Showing posts with label Council Scrutiny. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Council Scrutiny. Show all posts

Thursday, 13 August 2026

Sandwell's Paper Trail Gets Thicker – £7.6 Million, A Cabinet Call-In And Some Questions That Should Have Been Asked Earlier



Sandwell's Paper Trail Gets Thicker – £7.6 Million, A Cabinet Call-In And Some Questions That Should Have Been Asked Earlier

Updated 13 August 2026

A few days ago I wrote about Sandwell Council's growing Forward Plan and the pile of reports heading towards Cabinet and scrutiny.

The point was fairly simple.

Don't wait until the decision has been made before reading the paperwork.

Ask the questions beforehand.

Well, barely had the virtual ink dried before another bundle of Sandwell paperwork arrived.

And this one is particularly interesting.

On Thursday 20 August at 6pm, the Budget and Corporate Scrutiny Management Board will hold what is effectively a special meeting to consider the call-in of Cabinet's decision on the Crisis and Resilience Fund 2026/27–2028/29.

Apart from the minutes and usual housekeeping, that's the only substantive business on the agenda.

So here we have something I've been asking for:

Scrutiny actually scrutinising something.

Steady now.


£7.6 Million A Year Is Not Small Change

The Crisis and Resilience Fund replaces elements of the old Household Support Fund and Discretionary Housing Payments.

Sandwell has been allocated approximately:

£7.599 million for 2026/27

with similar sums expected in each of the following two years.

So potentially we're talking about roughly:

£22.8 MILLION over three years.

The proposed first-year spending includes:

- £1.451m for housing payments;
- £1.335m for crisis payments;
- £1.850m for other crisis support;
- £494,000 for additional Welfare Rights staff and software;
- a whopping £2 million for new resilience pilot projects;
- and £469,000 for administration.

This money is supposed to help some of Sandwell's most financially vulnerable residents.

Food.

Energy.

Housing.

People suffering an unexpected financial shock.

Families struggling to cope.

People leaving domestic abuse.

Disabled residents.

People at risk of homelessness.

This is not some obscure procurement exercise involving photocopier toner.

It matters.


So Why Has The Decision Been Called In?

The Cabinet decision of 15 July has been challenged by councillors on a fairly substantial collection of grounds.

These include:

- no published Equality Impact Assessment;
- insufficient consideration of continuing free-school-meal holiday vouchers;
- no consultation with affected families;
- concerns about how late the decision was made;
- no figures showing how many families would be affected;
- barriers created by replacing automatic support with an application system;
- no clear indication of processing times;
- uncertainty over administration costs;
- and inadequate information about how the scheme would be publicised.

Having now read the whole 48-page pack, I think several of these questions deserve proper answers.


RED FLAG ONE: The Equality Assessment That Was Coming Later

This one immediately jumped off the page.

The Cabinet report states:

“An Equality Impact Assessment will be undertaken to support this decision.”

Will be?

Cabinet was already being asked to make the decision.

Now, before anybody starts sharpening the lawyer, this does not automatically mean the Cabinet decision was unlawful.

The legal requirement is to comply with the Public Sector Equality Duty. A particular document carrying the title “Equality Impact Assessment” isn't magically the sole determining factor.

But the Equality and Human Rights Commission's guidance is pretty clear that where an Equality Impact Assessment is required it should be undertaken before the decision is made, because the whole purpose is for equality evidence to inform the decision-making process.

The Government's own Crisis and Resilience Fund guidance also tells councils to consider whether their local schemes disadvantage people with protected characteristics and to identify mitigation where necessary.

So the question for 20 August is very straightforward:

What equality evidence did Cabinet have in front of it on 15 July?

If the assessment was produced afterwards, what exactly was it influencing?

The wallpaper?

RED FLAG TWO: Government Did NOT Simply Ban Holiday Food Vouchers

This needs clearing up because there has been plenty of argument around it.

Sandwell decided against continuing blanket holiday vouchers for all families whose children receive benefit-related free school meals.

That is a policy decision the Council was entitled to consider.

But the Government guidance is rather more nuanced than simply saying:

«“You can't do vouchers anymore.”»

It says councils should decide how best to ensure the poorest children do not go hungry during holidays and specifically says that this may or may not involve blanket vouchers for children receiving free school meals.

In other words:

Sandwell had discretion.

That doesn't mean blanket vouchers were necessarily the best option.

But if Cabinet chooses a different system, I would expect to see the evidence.

How many children previously received the vouchers?

What did that cost?

How many of those families are expected to qualify under the replacement scheme?

How many are expected to apply?

How many may never apply?

What assessment was made of the effect on food insecurity?

What alternatives were properly costed?

Those numbers are conspicuous by their absence from the Cabinet report.

You cannot meaningfully compare two options if nobody tells you what one of them actually costs or how many people it affects.


RED FLAG THREE: Automatic Support Has Become “Tell Us About Your Crisis”

Under the new scheme, people generally have to apply.

And that means demonstrating financial hardship.

The policy can require proof of identity, address and benefits, evidence of the crisis and a month's bank statement.

Applicants can also be asked about income, savings, expenditure and exactly what has happened to cause the crisis.

Again, targeted support isn't inherently wrong.

Indeed, the new national fund is deliberately more needs-based.

But there is a difference between:

“Your child qualifies, here is some holiday food support.”

and:

“Please apply, explain your crisis, provide evidence and show us your bank statement.”

Some people will do it.

Some people won't.

Some people will not know the scheme exists.

Some will struggle digitally.

Some will be embarrassed.

Some won't realise they qualify.

And some of the people least able to navigate bureaucracy are precisely the people this fund is supposedly designed to help.

That needs monitoring from day one.

RED FLAG FOUR: A Crisis That Can Apparently Wait Up To 14 Days

Government guidance says councils should communicate expected processing times and should aim to provide payments for urgent needs within 48 hours of a completed application. It also tells councils to consider arrangements for people needing help outside normal working hours.

Sandwell's policy merely says applicants will be notified:

“as soon as reasonably practicable.”

Meanwhile, Sandwell's current public Crisis Payment webpage says applications may take up to 14 days, although it says they are usually processed more quickly.

Fourteen days.

For a crisis payment.

If somebody has no food, no electricity, has suddenly lost their income or has fled domestic abuse, two weeks is a very long crisis.

So members should ask:

What is the target for genuinely urgent applications?

How many are processed within 48 hours?

What happens at weekends?

What happens out of hours?

Is emergency same-day support available?

Simple questions.


RED FLAG FIVE: “We'll Put It On The Website”

The Council's Crisis Payments Policy actually has an entire section entitled:

Publicity.

Sounds promising.

Its substance is basically that the scheme will be publicised on the Council's website.

Unfortunately, Government guidance goes rather further.

It requires councils to provide both a website and a non-digital offer, and specifically expects schemes to be promoted through different channels rather than merely online. It gives examples including community and family hubs and GP surgeries.

So where's Sandwell's proper communications plan?

Libraries?

Schools?

Family hubs?

GP surgeries?

Food banks?

Community centres?

Housing offices?

Citizens Advice?

Voluntary organisations?

Printed information?

People who aren't on Facebook?

People who haven't got MySandwell?

People who haven't got broadband?

You cannot target help at people experiencing poverty and then assume they'll all stumble across the correct Council webpage.

RED FLAG SIX: You Need To Be Liable For Council Tax?

Another part of the eligibility rules caught my eye.

The Sandwell policy says an applicant should:

- be aged 18 or over;
- live in Sandwell;
- be liable for Council Tax;
- be responsible for household costs;
- and be experiencing financial hardship or crisis.

The Government gives councils significant discretion over local eligibility, so I am not saying this condition is necessarily prohibited.

But I'd like it explained.

What happens to somebody sofa-surfing?

Someone fleeing domestic abuse?

Someone temporarily staying with family?

Someone living in a household where another person is the Council Tax liable person?

Someone moving out of homelessness?

Someone in genuine crisis without their name appearing on a Council Tax bill?

Government guidance itself recognises that crisis needs can look very different for disabled people, homeless people, carers, care leavers and families with children.

Again:

This is exactly what equality analysis should test.

RED FLAG SEVEN: £2 Million Worth Of Pilots – Details To Follow

This could get very interesting.

Cabinet agreed £2 million for new “resilience pilot projects”.

These could cover food security, healthy living, financial resilience, employment, skills and similar interventions.

But the actual projects weren't approved by Cabinet.

Instead senior officers, in consultation with the relevant Cabinet Member, have delegated authority to determine what the pilots will be.

Two million pounds represents more than a quarter of this year's entire Fund.

So eventually I want to see:

Project

Organisation receiving money

Amount

Procurement or grant process

Why they were selected

Intended beneficiaries

Geographical coverage

Targets

Outcomes

Evaluation

What happened when it didn't work

“Pilot project” must not become local-government shorthand for:

«Here's some money. We'll discover what happened later.»


RED FLAG EIGHT: And Future Years Are Delegated Too

This one deserves much more attention.

Cabinet also delegated authority to senior officers, in consultation with the Cabinet Member, to formulate and agree the expenditure plans for:

2027/28

and:

2028/29.

They can also make in-year changes to the 2026/27 programme.

If funding remains around £7.6m per year, the next two years represent roughly another:

£15 MILLION.

I appreciate why operational flexibility is necessary.

But I would still expect annual expenditure plans involving sums of this magnitude to come back into public view.

Preferably Cabinet.

Certainly scrutiny.

This money belongs to the public.

“Delegated authority” shouldn't mean “see you again in 2029”.


RED FLAG NINE: Predictive Data, Poverty And Algorithms

There's another part of the report that deserves a whole article of its own.

Sandwell intends to introduce an advanced data analytics platform to help identify households at risk of poverty, homelessness, debt and other financial vulnerability.

There is a very positive side to this.

Instead of waiting for somebody to fall into complete financial disaster before helping them, the Council could intervene sooner.

Government guidance actually encourages councils to use available data proactively to identify vulnerable people.

Fine.

But if Sandwell is going to start using predictive analytics involving potentially sensitive information about vulnerable residents, I want to know:

What data?

Whose data?

How is it combined?

Who has access?

How accurate is it?

Is there automated decision-making?

How is algorithmic bias prevented?

Can residents see or challenge incorrect information?

Has a Data Protection Impact Assessment been completed?

How long is information retained?

Technology can improve services.

It can also produce very sophisticated mistakes at enormous speed.


AND THEN THERE'S A LITTLE MODERNGOV MYSTERY...

The Cabinet decision reproduced inside the scrutiny papers describes the Crisis and Resilience Fund decision as:

56/26

But the formal Notice of Call-In describes the decision being challenged as:

60/26.

Presumably one of them is simply wrong.

I don't suggest the republic will collapse over a numbering error.

But if you're formally calling in a Cabinet decision, identifying the correct Cabinet decision number does seem a fairly reasonable starting point.

There is also duplicate section numbering in the adopted Crisis Payments Policy, with two different sections labelled 3.3.

Again, minor.

But we're discussing a policy administering millions of pounds.

Maybe one final proofread wouldn't have hurt.

There Is Actually Some Good News Here

Yes, you read that correctly.

This is precisely why scrutiny exists.

Councillors have used the constitutional call-in mechanism.

The decision has been paused for scrutiny.

A public meeting has been arranged.

The Cabinet report, policy, decision and full call-in notice are all inside the public pack.

That is democratic scrutiny functioning.

The next test is whether the meeting becomes genuine examination or simply:

«Officer gives answer.
Member thanks officer.
Everyone notes report.
Tea.»

Scrutiny members have the opportunity to demand evidence.

They should use it.

Meanwhile... The Rest Of The Paper Mountain Continues To Grow

And this isn't happening in isolation.

Over 11 and 12 August Sandwell also published a substantial collection of new 2026/27 scrutiny work-programme items.

Budget and Corporate Scrutiny now has subjects including:

- the 2027/28 budget;
- procurement and contract management;
- digital transformation;
- workforce strategy;
- corporate performance;
- customer feedback;
- WMCA accountability;
- and monitoring of the LGA Corporate Peer Challenge.

Safer Neighbourhoods now has:

- Housing Improvement and Transformation;
- a specific repairs and maintenance review;
- housing complaint handling;
- ASB performance;
- neighbourhood working;
- green spaces;
- and the Play Area Strategy.

Health and Adult Social Care has:

- CQC's Adult Social Care findings;
- maternity and neonatal services;
- Section 117 mental-health aftercare;
- and Black Country Healthcare.

That is a lot of serious business.

Good.

Put difficult subjects on the agenda.

Then ask difficult questions.


This Is Why I Started Watching The Forward Plan

My original point remains.

Residents normally see the political press release at the end of the process.

“Council launches...”

“Cabinet approves...”

“Exciting new...”

“Transformational...”

“Investment...”

Lovely.

But before the press release comes the report.

Before the report comes the Forward Plan.

And somewhere in those documents are the risks, costs, delegated authorities, alternative options and things somebody has decided not to do.

That's where the interesting stuff is.


So What Should Scrutiny Demand On 20 August?

At the very least I'd want answers to these:

Where was the equality evidence when Cabinet made its decision?

How many children and families lost automatic holiday voucher support?

What would continuing those vouchers have cost?

How many Crisis Payment applications are expected?

What percentage will be processed within 48 hours?

What is the full offline application route?

How will the scheme be publicised away from the internet?

Why is Council Tax liability part of the eligibility test?

What controls apply to the £2m pilot programme?

Will the 2027/28 and 2028/29 spending plans come back for public scrutiny?

What governance surrounds the predictive-data system?

And is the Cabinet decision 56/26 or 60/26?

None of those questions require torches, pitchforks or wild conspiracy theories.

They merely require:

scrutiny.

Funny old thing.


I'll Keep Updating This

The September paper trail has now started arriving rather earlier than September.

And I'll continue updating this as the reports, scrutiny programmes, decisions and minutes appear.

Sometimes the paperwork will reveal a genuine problem.

Sometimes councillors will receive a perfectly satisfactory explanation.

Either outcome is useful.

But one thing should change.

We should stop finding out what Sandwell Council has done after it has already done it.

The documents are there.

The Forward Plan gives warning.

The scrutiny work programmes tell us where the questions should be asked.

So let's read them.

Preferably before somebody signs off the next £20 million.

Because, judging by the rate Modern.Gov is currently sending emails...

I may soon need another filing cabinet.

#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #CouncilScrutiny #CrisisAndResilienceFund #CostOfLiving #FreeSchoolMeals #PublicMoney #CouncilFinances #Governance #Accountability #Transparency #LocalGovernment #SandwellPolitics #WestMidlands #ForwardPlan #EqualityImpact #DigitalTransformation #WatchThePapers


Sunday, 28 June 2026

Armed Forces Day In Sandwell: Lovely Photos, Warm Words — Now Where’s The Follow Up?

 



Armed Forces Day In Sandwell: Lovely Photos, Warm Words — Now Where’s The Follow Up?

There has been plenty of chat in Sandwell over the weekend about Armed Forces Day.

Lots of photos. Lots of councillors pictured. Lots of comments. Lots of “proud to attend”, “honoured to support”, “we remember”, “we value”, “we stand with” and all the usual polished phrases that get trotted out when there is a flag, a camera and a convenient opportunity to look statesmanlike for Facebook.

And to be clear — Armed Forces Day matters.

It is right that serving personnel, vterans, reservists, cadets, families and the wider armed forces community are recognised. It is right that people turn up. It is right that Sandwell marks the day properly.

But now comes the important bit.

The follow up.

Because support for the armed forces community cannot just be a weekend photo opportunity with a brass band and a buffet of buzzwords.

It cannot be a councillor selfie in the sunshine, followed by silence until the next civic event rolls around.

It cannot be haphazard meetings, mealy-mouthed statements, and management-speak so thick you need a bayonet to cut through it.

Sandwell Council has an Armed Forces Covenant. This is not new. It was adopted years ago. It is supposed to mean something. It is supposed to ensure that members of the armed forces community are not disadvantaged when accessing services, and that special consideration is given where appropriate, especially for the injured and bereaved.

Fine words.

But Sandwell has never been short of fine words. We have had pledges, charters, visions, strategies, boards, frameworks, roadmaps, action plans and enough “partnership working” to sink a small frigate.

The question is simple:

What has actually been done?

Not what was said.

Not what was posed for.

Not what was placed on a webpage and left to gather digital dust.

What has been delivered?

Sandwell’s own Armed Forces Covenant talks about a Partnership Board, chaired by the Mayor, meeting every three months. It talks about an action plan. It talks about making sure the aims of the Covenant are being followed.

So where are the minutes?

Where are the agendas?

Where are the action logs?

Where are the reports?

Where are the outcomes?

Where are the Key Performance Indicators?

Where is the evidence that this is more than a civic badge pinned to the Council’s lapel once a year?

Because if meetings have been held, the public should be able to see what was discussed, who attended, what decisions were made, what actions were agreed, and what actually changed as a result.

If the meetings have not been held, then the Council needs to say so.

If the action plan exists, publish it.

If it does not exist, explain why.

If there are KPIs, show them.

If there are no KPIs, then how exactly is anyone measuring effectiveness?

“Engagement” is not a result.

“Raising awareness” is not a result.

“Continuing to work with partners” is not a result.

“Valuing our veterans” is not a measurable outcome unless it is backed by housing support, employment pathways, welfare advice, health referrals, school support, proper signposting and real casework that makes a difference to real people.

In March 2026, Sandwell Council passed a motion called “Going for Gold: Sandwell’s Commitment to the Armed Forces Community.”

That motion called for Sandwell to work towards Gold Award status under the Defence Employer Recognition Scheme. It called for employment policies to be reviewed. It referred to guaranteed interviews for suitably qualified veterans. It mentioned support for reservists, military spouses and partners. It called for a clear Armed Forces Employment and Engagement Strategy. It called for a dedicated Armed Forces Covenant Partnership Officer. It also called for an update report to Cabinet and Full Council within six months, and for scrutiny oversight.

Good.

Now deliver it.

No waffle. No fog machine. No twelve-page report written in officer-speak that says everything and nothing at the same time.

Sandwell’s new controlling Reform group now has a chance to show whether this was just another Council chamber speech, or whether they are serious about follow-through.

Many councillors have been happy to be pictured this weekend. Many have made public comments about Armed Forces Day. Good. Now back it up.

Ask the questions.

Demand the papers.

Publish the evidence.

Scrutinise the Covenant.

Find out what has been done since adoption.

Find out whether the Partnership Board has met every three months as stated.

Find out who attended.

Find out what decisions were made.

Find out what actions were completed.

Find out what outcomes were achieved.

Find out whether veterans and armed forces families in Sandwell actually know what support is available.

Find out whether frontline housing, welfare, education, employment and customer service staff understand the Covenant.

Find out how many people have been helped.

Find out how many were missed.

Find out what failed.

Find out what needs fixing.

And most importantly, make it public.

Because the armed forces community does not need empty civic theatre. It needs proper support, proper access, proper recognition and proper accountability.

A parade is welcome.

A ceremony is welcome.

Respect is welcome.

But respect does not end when the flags are packed away.

If Sandwell Council, senior officers, elected councillors and the controlling Reform group mean what they said this weekend, then the next step is obvious.

Bring forward the full Armed Forces Covenant review.

Publish the Partnership Board records.

Publish the action plan.

Publish the KPIs.

Publish the progress report.

Name the responsible councillor.

Name the responsible officer.

Set out the Gold Award roadmap.

And let scrutiny do its job.

Because warm words are easy.

Photos are easy.

Turning up for Armed Forces Day is easy.

The harder bit is making sure veterans, serving personnel, reservists, cadets, families, widows, widowers and those injured through service are not left fighting through council bureaucracy when the cameras have gone home.

That is where the real commitment is tested.

And Sandwell now needs to prove it.

Not next year.

Not at the next photo call.

Now.

#ArmedForcesDay #Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #ArmedForcesCovenant #Veterans #Reservists #MilitaryFamilies #SandwellPolitics #LocalGovernment #CouncilScrutiny #Accountability #ReformSandwell #Oldbury #WestBromwich #Wednesbury #Tipton #Smethwick #RowleyRegis #SandwellBlog


Tuesday, 19 May 2026

Reform’s Sandwell Victory Is Real — But So Is The Trap Door Beneath It


Reform’s Sandwell Victory Is Real — But So Is The Trap Door Beneath It

There is no point dressing it up.

Reform’s victory in Sandwell was historic.

For a borough that has spent decades under Labour dominance, the 2026 local election result was not just a political change. It was a public verdict. A very loud one.

Residents did not whisper their frustration.

They kicked the door in.

They looked at the old order, the old excuses, the old committee-room fog, the old “we’re listening” routines, the old reports full of warm words and cold outcomes — and they decided they had seen enough.

So let us be clear from the start.

Reform deserve credit for winning Sandwell.

They stood.
They campaigned.
They caught the mood.
They turned public anger into seats.
And they now control Sandwell Council.

That matters.

It matters because Sandwell desperately needed a political shock. It needed someone to rattle the windows at Oldbury Council House. It needed a council chamber that no longer looked and sounded like the same old family business with different agenda items.

But — and it is a very big but — winning power and being secure in power are not the same thing.

That is where Reform need to be careful.

Very careful.

Because behind the headline victory sits a much more fragile reality.

Sandwell Council has 72 councillors. To control the council, you need 37. Reform have 41.

That is control.

But it is not comfort.

It is not a landslide majority in practical terms. It is not a bulletproof administration. It is not a political armchair where everyone can put their feet up for four years and admire the view.

It is a majority with a warning label attached.

A handful of problems could change everything.

A few resignations.
A few suspensions.
A few expulsions.
A few defections.
A few by-elections.
A few councillors who find out that local government involves more than slogans, selfies and being angry about bins.

Suddenly, the numbers start to look a lot less comfortable.

And then there is the biggest red flag of all.

Because this was an all-out election, not every councillor gets the same length of term. In each ward, the top elected candidate gets the longer term, the second elected candidate gets the middle term, and the third elected candidate gets the shortest term.

And Reform have 15 councillors in that one-year danger zone.

Fifteen.

That is not a footnote.

That is a flashing light on the dashboard.

Those councillors will be back before the voters very quickly. Before the dust has properly settled. Before the excuses have had time to grow a beard.

Which means Reform do not have the luxury of drifting into office.

They cannot spend a year finding the photocopier, learning the committee structure and discovering that officers can sometimes bury a straight answer under six paragraphs of corporate custard.

They have to move.

Now.

Because Labour will be watching every wobble.

Do not mistake Labour’s defeat for Labour’s disappearance.

They have been hurt, yes. Humbled, certainly. Politically slapped around the room by the electorate, without question.

But they still have councillors. They still have organisation. They still have experience. They still know the machinery of the council. And they will be hoping Reform make the classic mistake of protest parties who suddenly win power:

They mistake victory for achievement.

It is not.

Victory is the door opening.

Achievement is what happens after you walk through it.

And this is where Reform’s challenge becomes serious.

Some of their new councillors may already be strong, visible, rooted community representatives. Good. Sandwell needs them.

But let’s not pretend there is no issue with paper candidates. In a political wave, people can be elected who were never expected to win. That is not an insult. It is reality. The Reform badge carried enormous weight in 2026. In some places, it clearly carried people over the line.

Now those people have to become councillors.

Quickly.

They need training.
They need discipline.
They need mentoring.
They need to understand council procedure.
They need to understand budgets, scrutiny, planning, housing, adult social care, children’s services, public health, procurement, audit, complaints, FOI, consultation and the wonderful dark art of spotting when a report says a lot while revealing absolutely nothing.

Because residents will not care that somebody was new.

They will care whether they answered the email.

They will care whether they turned up.

They will care whether they knew the issue.

They will care whether they challenged the officer.

They will care whether they were seen in the ward after election day.

That is the brutal test of local politics.

The rosette gets you elected.

The graft keeps you there.

And Reform need to understand another thing very quickly: they cannot run Sandwell from a bunker.

If they want this to work, they need to open the doors.

Not just to the polite, comfortable, pre-approved voices who nod at the right moments and never ask awkward questions.

They need to engage with the people who have been doing the hard yards for years.

Friends groups.
Residents’ groups.
Tenants.
Community activists.
Voluntary organisations.
Charities.
Small businesses.
Campaigners.
Bloggers.
Citizen journalists.
The local awkward squad.

Especially the awkward squad.

Because, funny enough, the awkward squad often know where the bodies are buried, where the promises were broken, where the reports do not match reality, where the consultations were decorative, and where the council machine has been allowed to mark its own homework for far too long.

Reform should not be frightened of scrutiny.

They should use it.

The Sandwell Skidder, local bloggers, community campaigners and independent voices have spent years highlighting things that official channels either missed, minimised or would rather have left undisturbed. Reform would be foolish to ignore that civic intelligence.

This is not about surrendering to every critic.

It is about recognising that the council does not have a monopoly on knowledge.

In fact, in Sandwell, the council has too often had a monopoly on process — and used that process to exhaust residents into silence.

That has to change.

Reform’s best chance of survival is not simply being anti-Labour.

That helped them win.

It will not be enough to help them govern.

They need a positive programme rooted in the everyday frustrations of Sandwell residents.

Housing repairs.
Anti-social behaviour.
Street cleansing.
Parks and green spaces.
Planning transparency.
Road safety.
Town centres.
Council responsiveness.
Waste services.
Tenant engagement.
Volunteer support.
Community safety.
Basic competence.

Not glamorous.

Not Westminster.

Not culture-war confetti.

Just the things people actually live with.

Because this is the trap Reform must avoid: spending too much time sounding like a national opposition party and not enough time behaving like a local administration.

Sandwell residents did not elect them to perform for algorithms.

They elected them to get stuck into Sandwell.

That means asking for KPIs where they have vanished. It means demanding performance data. It means chasing complaints. It means making scrutiny committees actually scrutinise. It means refusing to accept reports that say “progress is being made” without showing what progress, where, by whom, at what cost, and by when.

It means asking simple questions:

What has changed?
Who is responsible?
How is it measured?
Where is the evidence?
What did residents say?
What did the council alter because of it?
What happens if this fails?

That would already be a revolution in some parts of Sandwell governance.

The public are not expecting miracles by Christmas.

But they are expecting a change in behaviour.

Less fog.
Less arrogance.
Less hiding behind procedure.
Less consultation theatre.
Less “computer says no”.
Less “we’ll get back to you” followed by the municipal equivalent of a carrier pigeon dying in flight.

More visibility.
More honesty.
More challenge.
More plain English.
More ward work.
More accountability.
More respect for residents who know their areas better than any spreadsheet.

That is how Reform can turn a protest vote into a governing mandate.

But if they fail?

Then the mood can turn quickly.

Hope is powerful, but it is not permanent.

The same voters who swept Reform in can sweep them back out. Especially those councillors sitting on one-year terms. Especially in wards where the result was driven more by anger at Labour than personal confidence in the candidate.

And Labour will be waiting.

They will not need to be loved to recover. They will only need Reform to disappoint.

That is the cold political truth.

If Reform fracture, drift, hide, ignore residents, mishandle discipline, or allow weak councillors to become invisible councillors, then the door opens.

Not necessarily to a straightforward Labour landslide. Sandwell’s politics may now be more complicated than that. But certainly to Labour recovery, coalition arithmetic, deals, arrangements, and the possibility that the change people voted for becomes a short chapter rather than a new direction.

That would be a disaster.

Not for Reform as a party.

For Sandwell.

Because this borough cannot afford another cycle of hope, failure, excuse and reset.

It needs change that sticks.

So yes, I want Reform to succeed in Sandwell.

Not blindly.
Not uncritically.
Not with pom-poms and a party badge tattooed on my forehead.

I want them to succeed because the borough needs the old habits broken.

It needs proper scrutiny.
It needs openness.
It needs councillors who listen before they lecture.
It needs officers challenged without being abused.
It needs residents treated as partners, not nuisances.
It needs community groups brought in early, not informed after the decision has already been laminated.

Reform now have the chance to do that.

They also have the chance to blow it.

That is the uncomfortable beauty of democracy.

Power has been handed to them.
Trust has been loaned to them.
Hope has been invested in them.

None of it is guaranteed.

So my message to Reform is simple.

Celebrate the win, yes.

But then get out of celebration mode fast.

Train the new councillors.
Support the weaker ones.
Use the experienced ones.
Engage with the community.
Work with the voluntary sector.
Talk to the bloggers.
Listen to the awkward squad.
Publish more.
Hide less.
Challenge harder.
Explain better.
Deliver locally.

Because 2027 is not some distant problem.

For those one-year councillors, it is already breathing down the neck of the administration.

Reform have been given Sandwell.

Now they have to prove they can keep it.

And more importantly, they have to prove Sandwell was right to take the risk.


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #ReformUK #ReformSandwell #LocalElections2026 #SandwellPolitics #LocalDemocracy #CouncilScrutiny #SandwellGovernance #CitizenJournalism #CommunityCampaigning #SandwellSkidder #LabourSandwell #OneYearCouncillors #ReformMajority #ResidentsFirst #Accountability #Transparency #OldburyCouncilHouse 

Friday, 15 May 2026

Sandwell Petitions Committee: Where Residents Speak and the Council Reaches for the Filing Cabinet


Sandwell Petitions Committee: Where Residents Speak and the Council Reaches for the Filing Cabinet

There is something painfully Sandwell about the Cabinet Petitions Committee.

Residents do the right thing. They organise. They gather signatures. They put their names to local problems. They turn up. They explain what is happening outside their homes, schools, alleyways, car parks and streets.

And then the great Sandwell machine slowly leans back in its chair, strokes its municipal chin, and produces the usual sacred words:

Investigated. Noted. Future review. Future update. Petition closed.

Democracy, Sandwell-style.

You can almost hear the filing cabinet unlocking itself.

The Committee is supposed to be the public route for residents to raise local concerns. The Council’s own reports say petitions are one of the ways people can influence decision-making and alert members and officers to current local issues. Lovely words. Very warm. Very civic. Very “One Council One Team”.

But when you look at the actual reports, the picture is much less inspiring.

This is not residents influencing decision-making.

This is residents being processed.

The Church Road petition — bins, streets, drains, lights, pavements… and apparently only one thing matters

Take Church Road in Smethwick.

Residents raised a whole bundle of issues: weekly refuse collections, traffic and parking, street scene problems, blocked drains, defective streetlights, pavements, roundabouts and green spaces.

In other words, the basics.

The sort of things residents should not have to petition for in the first place.

But then, in the March minutes, there is this absolute little gem:

“ONLY material thing of substance is one-way street conversion for Church street.”

Really?

Only material thing of substance?

Not the drains. Not the lights. Not the pavements. Not the rubbish. Not the green spaces. Not the street scene. Not the condition of the area residents actually live in.

Just the one-way street.

If that wording is accurate, it is breathtakingly dismissive. Residents bring a multi-issue neighbourhood petition and somewhere in the system it gets boiled down to: never mind all that, what’s the traffic bit?

Then comes the Council’s corporate sermon about alternate weekly collections. Apparently weekly refuse and recycling collections were “wasteful”, recycling performance was poor, contamination was high, and the new model is expected to save more than £3.8 million once embedded.

Well, marvellous.

Residents complain about lived reality.

The Council replies with a PowerPoint answer.

Nobody is saying recycling does not matter. Of course it does. But when residents are raising concerns about bins, streets and neighbourhood decline, they deserve more than a lecture about efficiency savings and diesel trucks.

They deserve answers.

They deserve service.

They deserve a Council that sees them as residents, not an inconvenience to be managed.

Old Warley and Perryfields — safety fears meet the “not our problem” machine

The Old Warley petition is more serious still.

Residents asked for street lighting and CCTV after a sexual and physical attack on a woman. They reported feeling unsafe. They wanted lighting in the alleyway between Perryfields Academy and Perryfields Primary School and CCTV at Tame Road. A deployable CCTV unit was installed.

So far, so good.

But then comes the Sandwell shuffle.

By March, the Council says the CCTV footage and data had been reviewed, no incidents were detected, and no incidents had been reported to the Council. The lighting feasibility work had been costed at around £31,299. Then we get the ownership explanation: Perryfields Academy holds the lease, the Council does not receive funding for maintenance of the school site, and funding rules restrict what the Council can spend on academy land.

Now, some of that may well be technically true.

But residents are not asking for a lecture in public sector asset responsibility.

They are asking to feel safe.

The question should not simply be: “Can Sandwell find a reason not to pay for it?”

The question should be:

Who is taking ownership of the risk?

Where is the meeting between Sandwell Council, Perryfields Academy Trust, West Midlands Police, ward councillors and community safety officers?

Where is the action plan?

Where is the named lead?

Where is the timescale?

Where is the solution?

Because “the camera saw nothing” is not the same as “the community feels safe”.

And “academy lease” is not the same as leadership.

Barker Street Car Park — anti-social behaviour, fly-tipping and another future update

Residents around Barker Street Car Park reported anti-social behaviour, fly-tipping, noise, disorder and fear. They asked for the car park to be closed at night, or for the asset to be transferred to a community group to manage access.

This is exactly the sort of thing that corrodes a neighbourhood.

Not one dramatic headline. Not one single grand scandal. Just the slow drip-drip-drip of nuisance, dumping, intimidation, noise and residents feeling abandoned.

And what happens?

Officers investigate. Meetings happen. Raised barriers are apparently challenging because of carriageway limitations. Another update is promised.

Fine. Barriers may be difficult.

So what is Plan B?

Lighting? CCTV? Enforcement? Gating options? Public Space Protection Order? Fly-tipping surveillance? Timed closure? Police tasking? Community management? Better signage? Regular patrols?

Residents should not be left with “barriers are tricky” as though that is the end of civilisation.

This is not problem-solving.

This is problem-parking.

Park Lane, Wednesbury — closed before delivery

Park Lane residents raised concerns about speeding, crime and CCTV. Community Concern Site Funding has now been secured for a road safety scheme between Hobs Road and Myvod Road. Residents are supposed to be consulted during the design process.

Good.

But then the petition is closed.

Sorry, what?

The scheme is not delivered. Residents have not seen final designs. Consultation is still to happen. The safety problem has not been visibly resolved.

Yet the petition is closed.

That is the democratic trick.

Close the petition when the process begins, not when the problem ends.

Residents asked for action. The Council gave them a pathway. Then shut the petition file.

Waen Close — “we’ll propose it later” apparently means job done

Residents of Waen Close asked for double yellow lines at the junction of Waen Close and St Mark’s Road because parked cars were blocking visibility and creating safety concerns. They even supplied photographs.

The Council response?

A proposal will be made. It will go through the formal Traffic Regulation Order process. It will be advertised. Objections may go to a future decision-making session.

And the petition is closed.

Again, that is not delivery.

That is the beginning of a bureaucratic journey.

Closing the petition at that point is like telling someone their leaking roof has been fixed because somebody has agreed to think about ordering a ladder.

Gospel Oak Road — low response, closed file, unanswered questions

Gospel Oak Road residents wanted a parking permit scheme.

The Council sent 40 consultation letters. It received 10 responses. Only 5 supported the scheme. The December report says there were no recommendations for the scheme to progress due to low support and the petition was closed.

That may be procedurally defensible.

But where is the explanation?

What threshold is required?
Were non-responses counted as opposition?
Was the original parking problem still accepted as real?
Were alternative parking measures considered?
Were residents told in advance what level of support was needed?

Even worse, the March minutes appear to contain wording saying “there were recommendations made for the scheme to progress further” before then saying the petition was closed.

That looks like a drafting error.

But minutes are the public record. Sloppy wording matters. Especially in a Council that should have learned, by now, that governance is not a decorative extra.

Seymour Road — welcome to the long grass

Residents of Seymour Road asked for the road to become one-way because of illegal parking, congestion and road traffic collisions.

The response?

There are longer-term plans for a major highway scheme on the A457 at the junction with Rood End Road, and Seymour Road will need to be considered as part of that wider scheme.

Translation:

You have now been absorbed into a bigger project. Please enjoy the waiting room.

Maybe it makes technical sense to consider Seymour Road as part of the wider A457 works. But that cannot become an excuse for no interim action.

Where is the collision data?

Where is the parking enforcement?

Where is the timescale for the A457 scheme?

When will residents be consulted?

What happens in the meantime?

“Considered through the scheme design process” sounds very official. It also sounds like a lovely place for a local problem to disappear for several years.

Oval Road, Tipton — a muddy alleyway becomes a petition

The March report also includes a new petition from Oval Road in Tipton about a waterlogged and muddy alleyway between numbers 37 and 39, creating hazardous conditions for residents and visitors.

This is basic stuff.

Land ownership. Drainage. Inspection. Maintenance responsibility. Repair plan.

Why does a hazardous alleyway need a petition before it gets proper attention?

That is the real question.

The bigger problem: Sandwell treats petitions like pressure valves

The uncomfortable truth is this:

The petitions process looks less like democratic accountability and more like a civic pressure valve.

Residents get angry enough to organise.

The Council gives them a hearing.

Officers provide a technical response.

The Committee approves the proposed action.

The petition is updated, parked or closed.

Then residents are left chasing.

It is a neat little cycle.

Very tidy.

Very official.

Very Sandwell.

But it is not good enough.

A petition should not be a polite way of exhausting the public. It should be a trigger for visible accountability.

If a petition is closed, residents should be able to see what has actually changed.

Not what might be proposed.

Not what may be reviewed.

Not what could be included in a future scheme.

Not what officers will look at when the moon is in the correct municipal phase.

Actual change.

What needs to happen now

Sandwell should publish a proper live petitions tracker.

Not a vague committee appendix.

A real tracker.

It should show:

The petition.
The ward.
The number of signatures.
The issue raised.
The action promised.
The responsible officer.
The responsible Cabinet Member.
The target date.
The current status.
The delivery outcome.
Whether the petitioner agrees the issue has been resolved.

Because at the moment “petition closed” can mean almost anything.

It can mean fixed.

It can mean rejected.

It can mean delayed.

It can mean absorbed into a future scheme.

It can mean “we have written a paragraph and moved on”.

That is not transparency.

That is administrative fog.

Final thought

The people bringing these petitions are not professional complainers.

They are residents trying to get basic things sorted.

Safe streets.
Working lights.
Cleaner areas.
Less fly-tipping.
Better parking.
Safer junctions.
Dry alleyways.
A Council that listens.

These are not luxuries.

They are the basics of local government.

And yet in Sandwell, the basics too often seem to require signatures, meetings, reports, investigations, future updates and then — with a flourish — closure.

The Cabinet Petitions Committee should be where residents force action.

Instead, too often, it looks like the place where public frustration goes to be professionally softened, delayed and filed.

Sandwell residents deserve better than being thanked for their petition while the problem remains outside their front door.

They deserve action.

Not another update.

Not another review.

Not another polite paragraph in another public pack.

Action.


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #CabinetPetitionsCommittee #LocalGovernment #CouncilScrutiny #PublicSafety #StreetScene #Highways #WasteCollection #Oldbury #Smethwick #Wednesbury #Tipton #CommunitySafety #Governance #ResidentsDeserveBetter

Sandwell Council has published another News & Events Update, and once again there is quite a lot in it.

Sandwell Council has published another News & Events Update, and once again there is quite a lot in it. Some of it is genuin...