Wednesday, 7 October 2026

Smethwick Pride in Place: Grants Awarded, Questions Remain — Show Us the Paper Trail

Where did the money go — and did Smethwick actually get better?

 


Smethwick Pride in Place: Grants Awarded, Questions Remain — Show Us the Paper Trail

The latest Smethwick Partnership Board minutes are out, and there is both good news and unfinished business.

Some of the questions raised over recent months are finally being recognised. Processes are being changed. Applicants are getting more help. Youth engagement is improving.

Good.

But the grants are now being awarded, the revenue pot is oversubscribed and this is ultimately a £20 million programme.

So this is exactly the point when scrutiny gets harder — not quieter.

MHCLG says the Subgroup arrangement is satisfactory — verbally

One of my biggest concerns has been the Funding Subgroup making grant decisions rather than the full Partnership Board.

The Board itself eventually asked MHCLG to confirm whether those delegated arrangements were satisfactory.

The Action Log now says that on 18 September a verbal response was received confirming that the governance arrangements were satisfactory.

Sandwell has asked for that confirmation in writing.

Fair enough.

That moves the issue on considerably.

But now publish the written confirmation when it arrives.

After months of uncertainty over who decides what, there is no reason for the final answer to remain tucked away in somebody's inbox.

Three projects approved — where is the public grants register?

Seven full applications had been submitted.

Two projects were initially approved and a third was subsequently approved by the Funding Subgroup after a document omitted from the Scoring Panel pack was considered.

Four others were sent back for additional information and further support.

So public money is now moving.

Where is the simple public register showing the organisation, project, amount awarded, decision date, conditions and status?

Residents should not have to assemble this information from agendas, restricted reports and minutes spread across several meetings.

For a programme supposedly built around community power, following the money shouldn't require a forensic accounting course.

Conflicts declared — but what happened next?

This deserves clarification.

At the September meeting, K Patel declared that her organisation had submitted an EOI.

M Sibi declared the same.

Later, the Board discussed the live funding programme, prioritisation, scoring, boundary organisations and future funding arrangements.

The minutes don't tell us whether those members withdrew, did not participate, or were advised that no withdrawal was necessary because the discussion was general.

That doesn't mean anything improper happened.

It means the public audit trail stops halfway through.

If an interest is declared, record how it was managed.

Otherwise the Conflict of Interest Policy is doing an excellent impression of a very expensive umbrella left indoors.

The rolling grant race has finally been stopped

The revenue fund is now oversubscribed.

The Board has therefore introduced proper deadlines:

25 September for new EOIs.
23 October for full applications.

That is an improvement.

Applications can now be considered together rather than effectively operating on:

First through the door, first to the money.

The Board is also talking about value for money, beneficiaries and overall impact.

Exactly as it should.

The boundary wall is starting to wobble

Earlier rounds excluded organisations based outside Smethwick even where they delivered services to Smethwick residents.

Now the Board itself acknowledges that organisations just outside the programme boundary often serve Smethwick people, and future consideration may be needed about how they are supported.

Good.

Because Pride in Place should surely be concerned with benefit to Smethwick, not simply whether somebody's registered office sits on the correct side of an invisible line.

Nobody is suggesting opening the fund to the entire West Midlands.

But a bit of common sense wouldn't frighten the horses.

Grassroots groups: less paperwork, more support

Members also recognised that excessive bureaucracy risks putting off smaller community organisations and volunteers.

Officers say clearer guidance and more one-to-one support are now being provided.

That is welcome.

Pride in Place should not become a competition won by whoever employs the best bid writer.

Some of the strongest community ideas come from people who know their neighbourhood intimately but would rather chew their own arm off than write a twelve-page grant application.

Help them.

Youth engagement — finally moving in the right direction

This is one area where the Board deserves proper credit.

Engagement is being taken directly into schools and community settings.

Members even discussed a Youth Panel with its own budget which young people could influence or allocate themselves.

That is much closer to actual community power.

The Board also removed references encouraging schools to apply in the current funding round because the programme was already oversubscribed.

Again, sensible.

Consultation should produce influence, not just another colourful report explaining how engaged everybody was.

Direct commissions: still harder to follow than they need to be

Purchase orders have now been raised for benches at Victoria Park, Lightwoods Park and Smethwick High Street.

Progress.

But why still make residents reconstruct spending from several meetings?

Publish one running table showing:

Project | Cost | Supplier | Procurement route | Delivery date | Status

Done.

This doesn't require a consultancy framework, a transformation board or a 47-slide presentation.

It requires Excel.

Even the Board is fed up waiting for CCTV data

Members themselves complained that CCTV had been discussed repeatedly without enough evidence being available to make decisions.

Police hotspot data, existing CCTV coverage and other information are now being demanded before the December workshop.

Quite right.

Evidence first. Money second.

Amazing what happens when somebody insists on seeing the facts before spending the cash.

Year One: lots of governance, but what changed on the ground?

The minutes contain one particularly revealing admission.

Much of the first year has apparently been spent establishing governance arrangements and delivering the grants programme, while officer capacity remains limited.

Understandable to a point.

But at the end of Year One residents should be entitled to ask:

What actually changed?

Not how many policies were approved.

Not how many Subgroups met.

Not how many workshops were arranged.

What got better in Smethwick?

Governance is important.

But nobody ever looked at a new park bench and said:

“Lovely delegated-authority framework.”

And now a key officer is leaving

The minutes confirm that Programme Manager Rina Rahim was due to leave Sandwell Council in October, with recruitment timescales uncertain.

That is a real programme risk.

With grants moving, Towns Fund issues unresolved, strategic planning underway and a stack of actions still live, who takes over?

There should be a clear handover and interim lead.

Projects should not vanish into the traditional municipal Bermuda Triangle marked:

“Officer has left — someone will get back to you.”

Social value — thirty miles isn't Smethwick

After months of waiting, the social-value postcode data has finally appeared.

And it deserves scrutiny.

The figures include work experience and apprenticeships recorded simply as Birmingham, while some outcomes are described as being within a 30-mile radius.

For 13 employment outcomes within that radius, just two are specifically identified as Smethwick residents.

A 30-mile radius is not local.

It's a day trip.

The question was how much social value was actually reaching Smethwick residents.

So give us that figure.

Jobs for Smethwick residents.

Apprenticeships for Smethwick residents.

Placements for Smethwick residents.

Not somewhere vaguely in the Midlands with a postcode.

Grove Lane: there is flexibility, but the clock is ticking

MHCLG has confirmed that if Grove Lane cannot proceed, its Towns Fund money cannot simply be moved into Pride in Place.

However, it may be redirected to replacement Towns Fund projects if they meet the programme objectives and can be delivered by March 2028.

That provides some breathing room.

But not much.

Replacement schemes would need identifying and delivering quickly.

The contingency plan needs to be real — not discovered in February 2028 behind a filing cabinet.

The bottom line

Smethwick Partnership Board is improving in some areas.

That should be acknowledged.

It has changed the grant timetable.

It is supporting applicants better.

It is reconsidering the boundary issue.

Youth engagement is stronger.

Members are demanding better evidence.

And the Board sought MHCLG assurance over its own governance rather than pretending there wasn't a question.

Good.

But now the money is moving.

That means the standard should rise.

Publish the written MHCLG assurance.

Publish the grant awards.

Record how conflicts were managed.

Publish direct-commission spending clearly.

Show exactly how many social-value outcomes went to Smethwick residents.

And make sure December's strategy workshop leaves a proper public record.

Where they answer questions, give them credit.

Where they improve things, acknowledge it.

But where the paper trail stops short, keep asking.

Because this is ultimately a £20 million programme.

The question isn't whether the paperwork looks impressive.

It's much simpler:

Tividale Pride in Place: £20 Million, Closed Doors and Governance That Still Doesn’t Add Up

 


Tividale Pride in Place: £20 Million, Closed Doors and Governance That Still Doesn’t Add Up

I raised concerns when the September papers for the Tividale Neighbourhood Board appeared.

Now the minutes of the 10 September meeting have finally been published.

Have they put those concerns to bed?

No.

To be fair, a couple of things have been clarified. But the bigger questions about transparency, public access, delegated spending and who actually holds the power over this £20 million Pride in Place programme remain unanswered.

And some of what the minutes confirm gives me even more reason to keep watching.

This isn't about trying to wreck Pride in Place. Twenty million pounds properly invested over ten years could make a genuine difference to Tividale.

That's precisely why the governance needs to be watertight before the serious money starts moving.

£20 million of public money — but the public still aren't allowed in

Let's start with the elephant outside the meeting room.

The official September agenda tells us that the Tividale Neighbourhood Board oversees a £20 million Government-funded initiative. It also states, quite plainly, that its meeting is “not open to the public and press”, although the agenda itself is published and questions can be submitted beforehand. Public reports pack 10092026 18… Public reports pack 10092026 18…

I still struggle with that.

This programme continually talks about community involvement, engagement, accountability and residents shaping decisions.

The governance document itself uses phrases such as “open, transparent and robust governance”.

Yet when the Board actually meets to discuss the programme, residents can't sit in the room and listen.

Apparently Pride in Place is “led by you”.

Just not while the decisions are being discussed.

I accept that genuinely confidential matters sometimes need to be heard privately. Commercially sensitive information, personal information and certain contractual matters obviously cannot always be debated in public.

But that's entirely different from making closed meetings the default position.

Why not open the meetings and exclude the public only for genuinely confidential items?

Why not livestream them?

Why not publish submitted public questions and the answers?

If the Board is as open and transparent as its governance documents repeatedly tell us it is, there should be nothing frightening about residents actually watching it work.

We now know a little more about the £10,000 — but not enough

One of my previous questions concerned the Engagement Subgroup.

The September minutes finally clarify that the subgroup has delegated authority to deliver engagement activities within an approved £10,000 budget. They also say the Terms of Reference were to be amended to reflect that authority. Printed minutes 10092026 1800 T…

We also now know that Sandwell Council employees do not have voting rights, which is useful clarification.

And for a subgroup meeting to take expenditure decisions, at least three members must be present. Printed minutes 10092026 1800 T…

That's better than the vague position in the original papers.

But it raises another question.

Are we really comfortable that a meeting with just three members present can potentially make expenditure decisions from a £10,000 delegated budget?

Perhaps there are additional controls sitting behind that. Perhaps officers subsequently check procurement and authorisation.

Fine.

Publish them.

Residents shouldn't have to reverse-engineer financial governance from scattered paragraphs across different meeting packs.

And let's remember what the August papers told us.

There was a £10,000 allocation for the community event, while the working estimate suggested around £3,500 for inflatables and activities and approximately £4,500 in total. Public reports pack 10092026 18…

Again, I'm not suggesting anything improper.

I'm asking a very basic public-money question:

What was actually spent?

If £4,500 was eventually spent from a £10,000 budget, what happened to the balance?

Who were the suppliers?

What was purchased?

What was loaned free by Sandwell Council?

What procurement route was used?

This ought to be published voluntarily rather than dragged out through Freedom of Information requests months later.

“Mandatory” members who aren't necessarily available

The minutes contain another curious bit of governance.

It was proposed that the Chair and MP should be mandatory members of the Engagement Subgroup.

Then, almost immediately, the minutes record that the MP explained that other commitments mean her availability is very limited and she did not want to hold the subgroup back.

The Chair agreed to participate subject to availability. Printed minutes 10092026 1800 T…

So what exactly does “mandatory” mean?

If the subgroup can continue without either of them, they're not really mandatory in any meaningful operational sense.

That's not a criticism of Sarah Coombes MP having other commitments. An MP obviously has a diary full of competing responsibilities.

It is a criticism of governance wording that says one thing while the practical arrangements apparently say another.

Publish the final amended Terms of Reference and clear it up.

Community engagement — still mapping the community while engaging it

This remains one of my biggest concerns.

The 10 September minutes show that work was still continuing to map community organisations across Tividale so that a broad range of groups and stakeholders could be represented.

Yet the flagship Community Day was only ten days away, on 20 September. Printed minutes 10092026 1800 T…

The minutes also say 150 leaflets were to be distributed across local hubs and community centres, alongside school communications, social media and online promotion. Printed minutes 10092026 1800 T…

One hundred and fifty leaflets.

For a neighbourhood of many thousands of people.

That doesn't mean the event itself wasn't successful. These minutes were produced before the event, so they obviously cannot tell us what subsequently happened.

But it does reinforce my concern about the order of things.

Surely you first map the community, identify who rarely gets heard, find ways of reaching them and then undertake the major engagement exercise.

Instead, it risked becoming:

launch event first, finish identifying who needs engaging afterwards.

I now want to see the actual Community Day evaluation.

How many people attended?

How many completed surveys?

How many responses came from different parts of Tividale?

What age groups were represented?

Which organisations participated?

Which groups didn't?

How many paper forms were completed by digitally excluded residents?

Most importantly:

What did residents actually say, and what changed because they said it?

That's real engagement.

Attendance figures and photographs of a busy bouncy castle aren't.

The KPI that still makes me shake my head

The proposed Engagement Subgroup Terms of Reference contained just two remarkably thin Key Performance Indicators.

One was:

“Community Leaders to provide an estimation of number of representatives engaged with”

The other was engagement across Tividale neighbourhood wards. Public reports pack 10092026 18…

An estimation.

We're setting up governance around a £20 million programme and one of our formal measurements of community engagement is apparently somebody's estimate of how many people were engaged.

Come on.

We can do better than that.

The Board should be measuring genuine participation, geographical spread, organisations reached, underrepresented groups, survey response rates, repeat engagement and, crucially, evidence showing how community feedback influenced decisions.

Otherwise we risk another familiar consultation exercise:

“We spoke to lots of people.”

Lovely.

What did they say?

“Lots of things.”

What changed?

Silence.

Eleven votes for governance — but some obvious questions remain

The September minutes record that the Governance and Assurance section was approved by 11 votes in favour, none against and no abstentions. Printed minutes 10092026 1800 T…

That document makes some big claims.

It describes the appointment arrangements as open, transparent, independent, fair and representative.

It says a public Expression of Interest process was used to recruit the Chair and Board members. Public reports pack 10092026 18…

Fine.

Then give residents the evidence.

How many applications were received for Chair?

How many people applied to join the Board?

Where was the opportunity advertised?

How long was it open?

What scoring criteria were used?

How were candidates assessed?

What makes the final membership “representative”?

These aren't accusations.

They are exactly the questions an organisation boasting about transparent governance ought to be delighted to answer.

And what are these mysterious “four lines of defence”?

The Governance and Assurance papers also tell us that the Assurance Framework operates through a:

“four lines of defence” model.

Very impressive.

Unfortunately the document doesn't then appear to tell ordinary residents what those four lines actually are. Public reports pack 10092026 18…

It sounds magnificent in management-speak.

But governance isn't improved by impressive terminology.

Who is line one?

Who checks line one?

Who independently challenges the programme?

Where does internal audit sit?

Where does external assurance sit?

Who can stop expenditure?

Who investigates failures?

Who reports those failures publicly?

If there are four lines of defence, write down the four lines.

It shouldn't require a decoder ring.

Sandwell Council is everywhere in this arrangement

Sandwell Council is the Accountable Body.

It also provides programme-management support, administration, meeting support, project-development assistance and financial/governance arrangements.

Again, that isn't necessarily unusual.

Somebody has to be the accountable body.

But it makes public visibility even more important.

When the same organisation is supporting delivery, administering meetings, maintaining programme information and providing much of the assurance framework, residents need to see where genuinely independent scrutiny enters the picture.

A closed meeting does not help answer that concern.

And who really has the final say?

This question remains unanswered to my satisfaction.

Earlier Board papers explicitly state that the Regeneration Plan will need the Council, the MP and the Board to sign it off. Public reports pack 10092026 18…

So let's have a simple explanation.

What happens if the Board approves something and Sandwell Council doesn't?

What if the Board and Council agree but the MP doesn't?

Does each party effectively possess a veto?

Who controls individual project approvals?

What powers are retained by the Accountable Body?

Where does resident opinion fit when those bodies disagree?

Because that tells us whether this is genuinely community-led or merely community-informed.

There's a difference.

A rather important one.

Some things have improved — but the biggest red flag remains

I will give credit where it is due.

We now know Council officers don't vote on the Engagement Subgroup.

We now have a three-member expenditure quorum.

The £10,000 delegated limit has been recorded.

Paper survey copies were promised for residents who struggle with digital access.

Those are useful developments.

But none of them answer the central transparency problem.

The public still cannot attend the Board meeting.

And until that changes, all the language about openness, accountability and community leadership comes with a rather large asterisk.

This is a £20 million programme lasting ten years.

It could do tremendous good.

It could improve places, support community organisations and leave something worthwhile behind.

But the public need more than consultation events and QR codes.

They need to be able to watch the people making the decisions.

They need spending published.

They need clear voting rules.

They need meaningful performance measures.

They need to know who has the final say.

They need to see the evidence behind claims of fair and representative governance.

And they need answers to questions without having to spend months digging through PDFs.

Because Pride in Place isn't supposed to be something done to Tividale.

It's supposed to be something done with Tividale.

So open the doors.

Publish the evidence.

Show the money.

Explain who holds the power.

And then perhaps the words “Led by You” will start to mean what they say.


#Tividale #TividaleNeighbourhoodBoard #TividalePrideInPlace #PrideInPlace #Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #Transparency #Accountability #Governance #CommunityEngagement #PublicMoney #Regeneration #LocalGovernment #PublicScrutiny #CommunityFunding #SandwellPolitics #LedByYou #OpenTheDoors

Sandwell Cabinet: 45 Minutes, Millions at Risk and Where Was the Debate?





Sandwell Cabinet: 45 Minutes, Millions at Risk and Where Was the Debate?

I've now had a proper look through the official minutes of Sandwell Council's Cabinet meeting held on 9 September 2026.

And I have a problem.

Actually, I have several.

I want this new Reform administration to work. I want it to challenge the culture it inherited, get a proper grip on the Council and deliver the change people voted for.

But wanting them to succeed doesn't mean sitting quietly when the warning lights are flashing.

And there are enough warning lights in these papers to illuminate Oldbury.

The meeting started at 3.30pm and finished at 4.15pm.

Forty-five minutes.

In attendance were the Leader, Cabinet Members, eight other councillors, young people's representatives and a sizeable collection of senior officers. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

In those 45 minutes Cabinet dealt with eight substantive agenda items covering huge financial, social care, SEND, community safety, procurement and children's services issues.

And having read the minutes, my overriding question is:

WHERE WAS THE DEBATE?


£34.7 MILLION SEND OVESPEND — RECEIVED AND MOVED ON

Let's start with probably the biggest financial warning.

The Council's Quarter 1 financial position forecasts a £34.7 MILLION overspend in the Dedicated Schools Grant High Needs Block because demand for SEND services continues to increase beyond budgeted levels. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

That isn't £34,700.

It isn't £3.47m.

£34.7 MILLION.

Meanwhile the headline General Fund position is presented as a comparatively modest £623,000 overspend and described as remaining manageable. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

So what did Cabinet actually resolve on this enormous financial report?

Essentially:

Received.

Send it to Budget and Corporate Scrutiny.

That's it. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

The minutes record no Cabinet Member challenging the £34.7m SEND position.

No recorded question about how this is brought under control.

No recorded demand for alternative financial scenarios.

No recorded additional action.

Now, minutes aren't transcripts. Something may have been said that wasn't recorded.

But that's precisely part of the problem.

If our elected executive is interrogating financial risks of this magnitude, shouldn't the official democratic record show us something of that challenge?


Enhanced Assessment Beds: This One Really Bothers Me

Here's a timeline that deserves explaining.

11 March 2026: Cabinet approves procurement of replacement Enhanced Assessment Bed arrangements.

Existing contracts expire:

30 September 2026.

New contracts were intended to begin:

1 October 2026.

Seems straightforward enough.

Except September arrives and:

“It had not been possible to complete the necessary procurement and mobilisation activity within that original timetable.” Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

Why?

The minutes tell us more time was needed to finish the service specification, contractual provisions, evaluation methodology, pricing arrangements and market-facing documentation. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

Hang on.

Those aren't unexpected acts of God.

They're fairly fundamental parts of organising a procurement.

So Cabinet was asked to approve a nine-month extension of the existing arrangements from October until June at an estimated cost of £659,686.40. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

But it doesn't stop there.

The replacement contracts could be worth up to £2.91m.

Cabinet also agreed that the contract could be awarded where fewer than the normally prescribed minimum number of tenders are received.

And substantial authority to complete the procurement and award the contracts was delegated to officers. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

Let's be clear.

Maintaining these beds is essential. Nobody sensible is suggesting vulnerable people should lose services because the Council couldn't get its procurement completed.

But surely somebody around that Cabinet table should have been asking:

WHY WASN'T IT READY?

Who was responsible?

When did officers know the timetable was slipping?

When was the Cabinet Member informed?

Why were basic procurement documents still being developed?

What assurance is there that the new July 2027 deadline won't slip?

And what lessons have been learned?

The minutes record none of that.

🔴 RED FLAG.


Delegation, Delegation and a Bit More Delegation

Another theme running through these decisions concerns me.

Cabinet approves the broad proposal.

Then officers get substantial authority to do the rest.

Take funeral services.

Cabinet delegated authority to the Executive Director for Finance and Transformation to run the procurement and award and enter into the resulting agreements covering the four years from January 2027 to December 2030. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

Cabinet even approved any exemption required following the procurement process, subject of course to the Council's rules and delegations. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

Interestingly, keeping responsibility for awarding the contract with Cabinet was specifically considered — and rejected because it would add another decision-making stage and reduce procurement flexibility. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

Efficient?

Perhaps.

But democracy can sometimes be inconvenient.

That's rather the point.

If Reform came into office to get a stronger political grip on Sandwell Council, it needs to be careful it doesn't end up rubber-stamping the destination and handing the steering wheel straight back to officers.


Sandwell Is Now Taking Responsibility for a Regional Programme

Then we have the West Midlands Regional Care Cooperative.

This could be a good initiative.

Councils collaborating to improve placements for children, increase fostering capacity and get greater influence over a difficult and expensive market makes considerable sense.

But look at what Sandwell has agreed.

The Council will become:

Lead Local Authority AND accountable body.

Cabinet agreed in principle to accept up to £1.7m of Department for Education funding, plus up to £817,440 for the Room Makers Programme. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

Then comes the delegation.

Senior officers can negotiate and enter into:

partnership agreements;

collaboration agreements;

data-sharing arrangements;

governance agreements;

financial-management arrangements;

and take other actions necessary to implement the programme. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

That's a substantial amount of detail being decided after Cabinet has left the room.

My questions are straightforward.

What financial liability does Sandwell carry as accountable body?

What happens if another authority fails to deliver?

What happens if grant conditions aren't met?

Could Sandwell face clawback?

What additional staff are required?

Who audits this?

What happens when DfE funding ends?

And crucially:

Will the final governance and financial arrangements come back before elected councillors?

They should.


Community Safety — Now Show Us the Results

Cabinet also approved Sandwell's Community Safety Strategy 2026–2030.

It covers serious violence, violence against women and girls, exploitation, modern slavery, anti-social behaviour, hate crime, radicalisation, extremism, organised crime and repeat victimisation. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

The minutes tell us activity will be evidence-led and focused on:

“measurable outcomes.” Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

Excellent.

Then let's measure them.

I want residents to be able to see whether ASB is reducing.

Whether repeat victimisation is falling.

Whether enforcement is increasing.

Whether serious violence is reducing.

Whether victims are more satisfied.

And importantly, what is happening ward by ward.

Otherwise we will have another strategy, another launch, another press release and another PDF quietly gathering electronic dust.


Care-Experienced Young People — Something Doesn't Quite Add Up

This is particularly interesting.

The Children's Services and Education Scrutiny Board produced 32 recommendations following its review of the transition to adulthood for care-experienced young people.

There is some good and challenging work here.

The recommendations include mandatory annual Corporate Parenting training for councillors. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

They include additional Personal Advisers. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

They include exploring a dedicated youth hub. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

They include joined-up commissioning and quality assurance between Children's and Adult Services. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

But the Cabinet minute says Cabinet must respond to the Board within two months, setting out which recommendations are agreed and giving reasons for any that aren't. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

So they weren't all actually adopted there and then.

That two-month deadline needs watching.

November.

Put it in the diary.

Thirty-two recommendations went in.

Let's see exactly how many come back out.


And Then There's an HMO...

One recommendation jumped straight off the page at me.

Recommendation 10 asks Cabinet Members to explore purchasing properties to convert into:

Houses in Multiple Occupation

specifically for care-experienced young people. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

Now there's an interesting one for Sandwell.

I've spent considerable time highlighting residents' concerns about HMOs — planning, licensing, concentration, management and enforcement.

The objective here is obviously different and worthwhile: providing suitable accommodation for young people leaving care.

But that doesn't mean the model shouldn't be challenged.

Where would these HMOs go?

How would they be managed?

Would they require planning permission?

What licensing requirements apply?

Would they have permanent support?

How would safeguarding work?

Would concentration in particular neighbourhoods be prevented?

And is an HMO actually the best accommodation model for vulnerable young people transitioning from care?

Good intention doesn't remove the need for good scrutiny.


The Elephant Sitting Around the Cabinet Table

And this brings me back to the thing that bothers me most.

Read these 16 pages of minutes and they look enormously detailed.

Until you notice what much of that detail actually is.

Again and again the structure is:

Approval was sought...

Reasons for Recommendations...

Alternative Options Considered...

Resolved...

For example, the Children and Young People's item moves directly from the report background into reasons, alternatives and the resolution. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

What I don't see much of is:

“Councillor X challenged...”

“The Cabinet Member asked...”

“The Executive Director responded...”

“Members expressed concern...”

“Cabinet requested further information...”

“The recommendation was amended...”

“The report was deferred...”

The minutes are very good at telling us what the officer reports contained.

They are considerably less good at showing us what our elected Cabinet actually did to interrogate them.

And remember:

THE WHOLE MEETING LASTED 45 MINUTES.


Reform Has to Be More Than a Change of Nameplate

This is where Reform needs to be very careful.

Many of the problems in these papers were inherited.

Let's be fair.

Reform didn't create Sandwell's SEND pressures in four months.

It didn't suddenly create the difficulties in children's social care.

It didn't invent decades of problems within Sandwell Council.

But Reform now controls the Council.

And therefore the question is no longer simply:

“What did Labour do?”

It is increasingly:

“What are YOU doing differently?”

Residents didn't vote for a new administration simply to watch officers put reports on the table, Cabinet approve them and delegated authority send the decisions back into the organisation.

Political leadership means challenging.

Questioning.

Testing assumptions.

Demanding evidence.

Sending weak reports back.

Holding officers accountable for missed deadlines.

Amending recommendations where necessary.

And being prepared occasionally to say:

NO. COME BACK WHEN YOU'VE ANSWERED OUR QUESTIONS.


Forty-Five Minutes Isn't Something to Boast About

Getting through Cabinet quickly isn't evidence of efficiency.

Not when the business includes:

🔴 £34.7m SEND High Needs overspending

🔴 a procurement timetable that wasn't delivered

🔴 a nine-month emergency/interim contract continuation

🔴 exemptions from procurement rules

🔴 multimillion-pound delegated contract awards

🔴 Sandwell becoming accountable body for a regional programme

🔴 a four-year Community Safety Strategy

🔴 and 32 recommendations concerning some of our most vulnerable young people.

The Council's own Treasury Management minute actually reminds us that the regulatory framework places responsibility on Members for review and scrutiny. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

Quite.

So let's see some.


I Still Want Reform to Succeed

That's why I'm raising this.

I don't want another Sandwell administration where Cabinet becomes the final stop on an officer conveyor belt.

We've seen enough of that.

I don't want meetings where the destination appears predetermined and democratic process becomes little more than:

NOTED.

RECEIVED.

APPROVED.

DELEGATED.

NEXT.

Reform promised something different.

There is still plenty of time to deliver it.

But Cabinet needs to slow down.

Read.

Question.

Challenge.

Debate.

And occasionally disagree.

Because scrutiny isn't an obstacle to good government.

It is part of good government.

And when millions of pounds and services affecting some of Sandwell's most vulnerable residents are involved, 45 minutes simply doesn't give the public much confidence that the political challenge is as strong as it ought to be.

The next place to look is Budget and Corporate Scrutiny, because Cabinet formally sent the financial report there. Printed minutes 09092026 1530 C…

Let's hope the awkward questions were asked there.

Because somebody needs to ask them.


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #SandwellCabinet #ReformUK #SEND #CouncilFinance #Scrutiny #Governance #Transparency #Accountability #CommunitySafety #LocalGovernment

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