Monday, 31 August 2026

FRIAR PARK: HOW MANY TIMES DO RESIDENTS HAVE TO ASK BEFORE SOMEONE GIVES A STRAIGHT ANSWER?

 




FRIAR PARK: HOW MANY TIMES DO RESIDENTS HAVE TO ASK BEFORE SOMEONE GIVES A STRAIGHT ANSWER?

There is something seriously wrong when residents have to spend months chasing councils, public bodies and elected representatives simply to find out what is happening in their own community.

That is exactly where we are with Friar Park.

We are not dealing with a tiny planning application.

We are dealing with a proposed 600+ home urban village, major brownfield remediation, contaminated land, flood risk, air quality, drainage, transport, schools, SEND provision, biodiversity, public open space, developer procurement and millions of pounds of public money.

And yet trying to get clear, complete and joined-up answers has become an exhausting exercise in delay, deflection, partial disclosure and being passed from one organisation to another.

Residents deserve better than this.

A major regeneration scheme — but no straight line to the truth

Friar Park has been discussed, planned, masterplanned, funded, procured and promoted for years.

There have been consultants.

There have been Cabinet reports.

There have been developer selection exercises.

There have been remediation strategies.

There has been Environment Agency engagement.

There have been planning applications.

There have been funding arrangements involving Sandwell Council and the West Midlands Combined Authority.

There has been political promotion.

But when residents ask for the underlying evidence, the experience is very different.

Too often the answer is:

“NIL.”

Or:

“Too broad.”

Or:

“Information withheld.”

Or:

“Ask somebody else.”

Or:

“Go to the ICO.”

That is not transparency.

That is a system that appears far better at moving projects forward than it is at answering the people who have to live with the consequences.

Sandwell Council — too many NILs, too many later disclosures

We have submitted a number of FOI and EIR requests concerning Friar Park and associated planning applications.

Too often Sandwell's initial position has been that little or no relevant recorded information is held.

“NIL.”

Again.

And again.

Then, after challenge, more documents appear.

That happened around DC/23/68742.

Additional contaminated-land and other material emerged after the original response.

It has happened around DC/25/70154.

Later-disclosed correspondence showed active technical discussion over noise calculations and amended drawings.

That is precisely why confidence is being damaged.

If later disclosures show active officer-to-applicant and officer-to-consultant dialogue, how are residents supposed to accept without question earlier responses suggesting almost nothing else exists?

This is not about demanding every internal email for the sake of it.

It is about whether searches are being carried out properly and whether requests are being interpreted so narrowly that relevant material is being missed.

When we challenge this, too often we do not receive a proper substantive explanation.

Instead, the conversation eventually becomes:

Take it to the Information Commissioner.

So we have.

That should concern Sandwell's new political leadership.

Residents should not repeatedly have to involve a national regulator simply to establish whether their own council has adequately searched for records about major planning decisions.

DC/25/71072 — four months and hardly any visible explanation

Take the latest 18-home application at Friar Park.

DC/25/71072 was considered by Planning Committee on 1 April 2026.

The formal permission was not issued until 10 August 2026.

More than four months later.

When we checked the public planning portal, there was very little obvious material explaining what happened during that period.

There is a CIL liability acknowledgement.

Then the final decision.

So what was happening in between?

Were conditions being negotiated?

Was drainage being discussed?

Was Biodiversity Net Gain unresolved?

Were there legal issues?

Were technical matters being settled?

Were any plans or conditions altered?

Who authorised the final notice?

We should not have to guess.

So yet again, we have had to submit another information request.

Think about that.

A major planning decision is made in April.

Formal permission appears in August.

The public record gives little obvious explanation.

And the burden falls on residents to reconstruct the audit trail through FOI.

That is exactly the kind of thing that breeds mistrust.

Twenty-four conditions — and residents are supposed to be reassured

The final permission for DC/25/71072 contains 24 conditions.

Twenty-four.

These include matters concerning:

contaminated land,

surface-water drainage,

foul drainage,

dust,

construction management,

ecology,

Biodiversity Net Gain,

habitat management,

landscaping,

and environmental controls.

Some conditions are normal in planning.

Nobody is pretending otherwise.

But there is a wider pattern here that cannot simply be brushed aside.

Important technical issues keep being pushed into conditions to be resolved later.

Residents are told the concerns are dealt with.

But when you actually read the permission, the detail often still has to be submitted, investigated, approved or monitored after permission has been granted.

That is why people are asking whether this has become a culture of:

Approve first. Sort the difficult bits later.

That is not an allegation.

It is a legitimate concern based on what the actual permissions say.

Contaminated land is not a side issue

Friar Park has a complicated history.

Historic remediation material prepared for WMCA and Sandwell records former sewage-treatment infrastructure, waste deposits, made ground and contamination concerns.

The issues identified include metals, hydrocarbons, ammonia, asbestos, ground gas and risks to controlled waters.

Potential pathways include dust, fibres, groundwater and surface waters.

The remediation strategy itself anticipated excavation, treatment, movement, reuse or disposal of material.

So when residents raise concerns about dust, disturbed soils or environmental monitoring, these are not wild theories.

They are issues documented in the professional evidence itself.

And yet getting clear answers about remediation has been anything but straightforward.

Environment Agency — information eventually, but only after a fight

We have also had major difficulties obtaining information from the Environment Agency.

An earlier request was refused as manifestly unreasonable because it was considered too broad.

So we refined it.

Then more information emerged.

Some material concerning regulatory and permitting matters was withheld under another EIR exception.

So we challenged that too.

An internal review followed.

Then we had to make a separate request for flood information.

Eventually, we received useful flood-model data.

But even that raised another question.

The model supplied is identified as:

River Tame – 2009.

We are in 2026.

That does not automatically mean the model is invalid.

But it certainly raises a reasonable question about whether a 17-year-old model is sufficiently current for a major housing development and remediation scheme today.

So what have we had to do?

Write again.

Ask whether it remains suitable.

Ask whether updated modelling is required.

Ask whether updated modelling has already been discussed behind the scenes.

Ask whether current climate-change allowances need to be applied.

Again, why are residents constantly forced to ask the next question because the first answer never gives the whole picture?

Flood risk is being split between organisations

The EA itself makes clear that it deals primarily with main-river flooding.

Surface water?

Sandwell as Lead Local Flood Authority.

Groundwater?

Again, other responsibilities.

Sewer flooding?

The water company.

So who is joining this all together?

That is the question.

River Tame flood risk cannot be assessed in isolation.

Surface-water runoff cannot be assessed in isolation.

Sewer capacity cannot be assessed in isolation.

Groundwater cannot be assessed in isolation.

Remediation and disturbed contaminated ground cannot be assessed in isolation.

Then hundreds of homes cannot be assessed separately as if the wider cumulative picture does not exist.

Residents live in the real world.

Not in organisational silos.

WMCA — another wall of resistance

The West Midlands Combined Authority has also been difficult.

WMCA has played a major role in Friar Park.

It has been involved in land, regeneration, remediation and funding.

It has been part of the machinery moving the project forward.

Yet when we sought detailed information about remediation, funding, regulatory engagement and environmental oversight, we again encountered refusal, review requests, refined requests and repeated chasing.

Commercial sensitivity exists.

Of course it does.

Nobody serious disputes that.

But commercial sensitivity cannot become a convenient fog around a publicly backed regeneration project.

Residents do not need every tender price or negotiation tactic.

They do need to know:

what commitments have been made,

what housing assumptions underpinned procurement,

what public money is at risk,

what delivery deadlines exist,

what happens if planning requires fewer homes,

and whether environmental safeguards are genuinely capable of changing the scheme.

These are basic accountability questions.

A developer can be selected before residents know the final scheme

Keepmoat has already been selected as preferred development partner.

Again, that is not automatically improper.

But it matters.

Because by the time ordinary residents eventually see the full planning application, substantial commercial and strategic decisions may already have been taken.

Masterplan.

Funding.

Procurement.

Developer selection.

Housing numbers.

Delivery expectations.

Remediation.

Regulatory engagement.

Then later comes the formal planning application.

That creates a very obvious concern.

How genuinely open is the later planning process if so much of the project has already gathered momentum?

If planning evidence says fewer homes are appropriate, can the scheme shrink?

If infrastructure evidence says more land is needed for schools or open space, can the scheme change?

If air quality or noise requires bigger buffers, can the developer lose plots?

If remediation requires a different layout, will that be accepted?

These questions need straight answers.

Not public-relations language.

Where is the cumulative assessment?

The biggest planning failure we keep coming back to is fragmentation.

We have already seen:

DC/23/68742 – 105 homes

then amendments,

then:

DC/25/71072 – 18 more homes

That takes that development area to 123 plots.

Alongside that sits the proposed FPUV scheme of another 600+ homes.

So stop looking at each application as though it exists in a vacuum.

Where is the assessment of the total effect on:

traffic,

air pollution,

schools,

SEND,

Tame Bridge,

roads,

drainage,

surface water,

health services,

public transport,

open space,

ecology,

and community infrastructure?

The Council's own air-quality policy refers to cumulative impacts from known developments.

So where is the cumulative Friar Park assessment?

We have asked.

We are still waiting for convincing answers.

Secondary schools — still no proper local answer

One of the most frustrating issues is education.

We have repeatedly raised secondary-school capacity.

We have raised the history of the site and the earlier expectation of education provision.

We have raised the impact of hundreds of new homes.

And what do we get?

Broad Sandwell-wide statistics.

References to spare places elsewhere.

General statements.

That does not answer the question.

What is the actual long-term secondary-school position for Friar Park and Wednesbury if this entire development programme goes ahead?

Not today.

Not one year group in isolation.

Not the whole borough averaged together.

The actual local picture over the life of the development.

Why is that so difficult to obtain?

SEND — national policy is not a local capacity plan

The same applies to SEND.

We have raised local SEND provision.

We have raised pressure on places.

We have raised out-of-area provision.

We have raised transport implications.

And too often the response moves immediately to national government policy.

That is not an answer.

Parents in Friar Park cannot send their children to a White Paper.

They need actual provision.

Actual places.

Actual transport.

Actual support.

If hundreds of homes are coming, where is the local SEND capacity assessment?

Show us.

Antonia Bance MP — housing, housing, housing is not enough

We have written extensively to Antonia Bance MP.

Her earlier response placed heavy emphasis on the need for new housing.

Fine.

Housing is needed.

But “we need housing” cannot become an answer to every environmental and infrastructure concern.

We wrote back.

We set out the local issues.

Schools.

SEND.

Traffic.

Air quality.

Flooding.

Remediation.

Infrastructure.

Transparency.

Cumulative impact.

We chased.

We have chased again.

And we are still struggling to obtain a substantive response to the actual questions being asked.

That is not good enough from the local MP on a development of this scale.

If the MP supports the scheme, say so.

If she believes 600+ homes are appropriate, explain why.

If she believes schools can cope, provide the evidence.

If she believes infrastructure is adequate, tell us what she has checked.

If she believes the environmental safeguards are sufficient, explain what evidence she has reviewed.

What residents do not need is another general statement about the housing crisis.

We already know there is a housing crisis.

We are asking whether this scheme, on this site, at this scale, is being properly planned.

Sarah Coombes MP — still waiting for meaningful engagement

We have also written to Sarah Coombes MP because the consequences of Friar Park are not confined to one parliamentary constituency.

Traffic crosses boundaries.

Air pollution crosses boundaries.

Rail passengers cross boundaries.

School journeys cross boundaries.

Bescot does not disappear because somebody draws a constituency line on a map.

We sent a detailed briefing.

We followed it up.

We have not received the level of engagement these cross-boundary issues warrant.

Again, that is disappointing.

Residents should not have to repeatedly chase elected representatives to get them interested in a major development affecting neighbouring communities.

Council leadership — a change of party should mean a change of culture

Sandwell now has a Reform administration.

That administration inherited much of this project.

It did not create the historic contamination.

It did not initiate every earlier planning decision.

It did not create the original WMCA arrangements.

But it is now responsible for what happens next.

That means the new leadership has a choice.

It can inherit the old culture of:

minimal answers,

officer-driven processes,

technical deflection,

poor public engagement,

and “go to the ICO if you don't like it.”

Or it can change it.

We have tried to engage the Council Leader.

The response and level of engagement has not matched the seriousness of the issue.

That needs to change.

If Reform came into Sandwell promising a different way of doing things, Friar Park is a very good place to prove it.

Local councillors — where is the leadership?

And where are our local councillors in all this?

This is not some abstract strategic-planning exercise.

It affects real residents.

Their streets.

Their schools.

Their environment.

Their air.

Their journeys.

Their parks.

Their children's futures.

Local councillors should be demanding the evidence before residents have to.

They should be asking officers why information is difficult to obtain.

They should be demanding cumulative assessments.

They should be asking whether infrastructure is keeping pace.

They should be explaining decisions publicly.

They should be standing between residents and opaque bureaucracy.

Instead, far too much of the digging is being done by residents themselves.

That is backwards.

Pride in Place — keep your hands off the community money

And now we have Pride in Place.

Up to £20 million over ten years.

That money is supposed to be about the community.

It must not become a convenient back-door funding source for Friar Park Urban Village.

Not for remediation.

Not for developer obligations.

Not for infrastructure that should properly be funded by the development.

Not for statutory services the Council should already provide.

Not for filling holes elsewhere in regeneration budgets.

There must be a clear firewall.

Residents should be able to see exactly what Pride in Place money is being spent on.

Every pound.

Every project.

Every decision.

Who proposed it.

Who approved it.

Who benefits.

Anything less invites suspicion.

Too much is happening behind the curtain

This is perhaps the central problem.

When you put everything together, the authorities clearly possess a huge amount of information.

Consultant reports.

Technical studies.

Procurement documentation.

Masterplans.

Regulatory correspondence.

Funding agreements.

Remediation strategies.

Planning records.

Developer submissions.

Internal emails.

Yet residents continually find themselves asking for basic information and receiving either fragments or silence.

That contradiction is becoming impossible to ignore.

There is enough information to procure developers, secure funding and progress regeneration — but apparently not enough information to give residents straight answers.

How does that work?

We should not have to become investigators

This is a council area.

Not a crime scene.

Residents should not have to behave like investigators.

We should not have to:

submit FOIs,

chase overdue FOIs,

request internal reviews,

challenge “NIL” responses,

submit EIRs,

refine EIRs,

challenge exemptions,

write to the ICO,

search planning portals,

compare committee reports,

download technical appendices,

trace Cabinet decisions,

search WMCA records,

and repeatedly chase MPs,

just to understand what is happening.

Public authorities should publish enough information proactively that ordinary residents can follow the project without needing a law degree, planning qualification and unlimited spare time.

At the moment, that is not happening.

This is what transparency should look like

If Sandwell, WMCA, the EA and the elected representatives involved believe this project is sound, then prove it.

Publish a single clear public evidence base.

Show:

the remediation strategy,

the contamination risks,

the flood evidence,

the current River Tame modelling,

the surface-water strategy,

the air-quality evidence,

the cumulative traffic assessment,

the school capacity projections,

the SEND assessment,

the infrastructure plan,

the housing numbers,

the affordable-housing commitment,

the open-space calculation,

the BNG strategy,

the funding streams,

the developer obligations,

and the project timetable.

Then residents can make an informed judgement.

That is transparency.

What we have now is a jigsaw puzzle where the public is expected to find the pieces.

We are not going away

There is sometimes an assumption in public bodies that if you delay long enough, residents will lose interest.

We won't.

If an answer is incomplete, we will challenge it.

If information is withheld, we will test whether that withholding is justified.

If internal reviews fail to address the substance, we will escalate to the ICO.

If planning decisions are unclear, we will trace the audit trail.

If elected representatives fail to respond, we will say so publicly.

If Pride in Place starts drifting away from genuine community control, we will challenge that too.

That is not troublemaking.

That is accountability.

My message to everyone involved is simple

To Sandwell Council:

Stop making residents drag information out of you.

To WMCA:

Stop hiding the public-interest story behind commercial and procedural barriers.

To the Environment Agency:

Give residents clear explanations, not just technical datasets and legal exemptions.

To Antonia Bance MP:

Answer the questions actually being asked, not the easier question about whether Britain needs more houses.

To Sarah Coombes MP:

Engage properly with the cross-boundary consequences.

To Sandwell's political leadership:

If you promised change, show us.

To local councillors:

Start leading on this rather than waiting for residents to do the work.

And to those progressing Friar Park Urban Village:

If the scheme is safe, sustainable, properly funded and properly planned, you should have nothing to fear from scrutiny.

So stop making scrutiny so difficult.

Wednesbury deserves regeneration.

But it deserves something else just as much:

The truth.
The evidence.
Straight answers.
And a genuine voice before the important decisions are already effectively made.

#FriarPark #FriarParkUrbanVillage #Wednesbury #Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #WMCA #EnvironmentAgency #Planning #PlanningWatch #ContaminatedLand #FloodRisk #RiverTame #AirQuality #SEND #Schools #Infrastructure #Biodiversity #PrideInPlace #FOI #EIR #ICO #Transparency #Accountability #CommunityVoice #WednesburyActionGroup #StraightAnswers



Saturday, 29 August 2026

48A Churchfields Road: Retrospective Planning, Coal Risk and the Sandwell Council Fog Machine


48A Churchfields Road: Retrospective Planning, Coal Risk and the Sandwell Council Fog Machine

There are planning applications that make residents raise an eyebrow.

Then there are planning applications that make residents ask whether the whole system has lost the plot.

DC/26/71952 — 48A Churchfields Road, Wednesbury, WS10 9DY falls firmly into the second category.

On paper, this is described as a retrospective new dwelling.

That sounds neat, tidy and administrative.

It is not.

This is a completed dwelling being brought back through the planning system after the event, in a street where residents are already raising serious concerns about HMOs, enforcement, landlord management, anti-social behaviour, safeguarding, weak communication and the council’s inability to join up its own departments.

And to make matters worse, the Coal Authority has raised substantive concern.

So this is not just another planning file.

This is a test of whether Sandwell Council has learned anything at all.


The petition Sandwell Council cannot ignore

Residents have launched a petition titled:

Stop the growth of HMOs in Churchfields Road and Wednesbury

Link here:

https://www.change.org/p/stop-the-growth-of-hmos-in-churchfields-road-and-wednesbury

That petition needs to be treated as formal resident evidence.

Not dismissed.
Not ignored.
Not quietly parked.
Not filed under “community noise”.
Not met with the usual council script about taking matters seriously while nothing visible changes.

Residents are saying Churchfields Road and wider Wednesbury are under pressure from HMO growth, retrospective development, poor enforcement and weak council oversight.

Whether every allegation is ultimately proven is for proper investigation.

But the fact that residents feel strongly enough to organise, petition and gather evidence tells its own story.

Churchfields Road is not just a road name on a planning portal.

It is a warning.


What the application actually says

The application form for DC/26/71952 describes the proposal as:

“New dwelling (retrospective)”

It states that work started on 1 July 2021 and was completed on 1 July 2022. It also says the proposal is for one market housing unit, with 4+ bedrooms, and refers to previous planning/enforcement references DC/19/63216 and ENF/26/13186.

So let us be clear.

This is not a little side extension.
This is not a minor tidy-up.
This is not a normal householder application.

This is an already-built dwelling being regularised years after work began.

That should make councillors extremely cautious.

Because if retrospective applications are treated as routine, the message to everyone else is obvious:

Build first.
Argue later.
Regularise eventually.

That is not planning control.

That is planning surrender with a validation date.


The plans raise obvious questions

The existing floor plan shows a property with Bedroom 1, Bedroom 2, Bedroom 3 and Bedroom 4, bathrooms, a kitchen and a loft area marked as storage.

The site-location plan places the property within the existing Churchfields Road residential setting.

Residents are therefore entitled to ask:

What was originally approved?
What was actually built?
Does the building match the approved plans?
Were any conditions discharged?
Were proper site inspections carried out?
What does the enforcement reference relate to?
Why is this being dealt with retrospectively now?
Who is responsible for the property?
Who manages it?
Is it being used exactly as described?
Has it been checked against HMO licensing records?

These are not awkward questions.

They are obvious questions.

And if residents are having to ask them because the council has not already joined the dots, that is the problem.


The Coal Authority has raised substantive concern

This is the part that should stop any casual approval in its tracks.

The Coal Authority response dated 19 August 2026 raises “Substantive Concern”. It says the site lies within a Development High Risk Area and refers to coal-mining legacy features that may affect public safety and surface stability.

That alone should make everyone pause.

But it gets worse.

The Coal Authority also says it does not appear that its Planning team was consulted on any discharge of condition application for the site, and it does not appear that intrusive site investigations have been undertaken.

Let that sink in.

A dwelling has already been built.
The application is retrospective.
The site is in a mining-risk area.
And the Coal Authority is raising substantive concern about whether proper investigation and evidence has been provided.

If that does not put the brakes on, what does?

A subsidence hole with a committee report taped to it?


Why is a 2016 coal report being relied on?

The uploaded Coal Mining Risk Assessment is dated September 2016. It was prepared for proposed development at 50 Churchfields Road, described as either an extension to the existing house or a separate residence within the property.

This matters.

A 2016 report is not the same as a fresh, clear, post-construction explanation of what was actually built, what investigations were actually carried out, what risks were actually found, and what mitigation was actually used.

The Coal Authority’s concern appears to be exactly that: the evidence is not good enough for an already-built dwelling in a Development High Risk Area.

So Sandwell Council should not be asking, “Can we regularise this?”

It should be asking:

“Is this safe, properly evidenced, properly inspected, and properly lawful?”

That is a very different question.


Biodiversity Net Gain: another example of after-the-event planning

The applicant’s Biodiversity Net Gain statement says a BNG assessment is not required because the dwelling was constructed before statutory BNG requirements came into effect.

That may be technically arguable.

But it also exposes the wider problem with retrospective planning.

When development happens first and paperwork follows later, safeguards become after-the-event explanations instead of proper upfront scrutiny.

Residents are left hearing the same message again and again:

“By the time you found out, it had already happened.”

That is not how trust is built.


The objection raises wider concerns

The uploaded objection raises concerns about unauthorised changes, parking, visibility, footway impact, noise, disturbance, residential amenity and wider community impact.

Further resident evidence shared separately raises even more serious concerns involving alleged threats, police involvement, vulnerable tenants, domestic abuse concerns, safeguarding concerns, absentee management and residents being left to deal with incidents themselves.

I am not publishing private names, vulnerable people’s details, door numbers or raw allegations as fact.

That would be irresponsible.

But it would be equally irresponsible for Sandwell Council to shrug and treat this as just another planning file.

When residents are reporting these kinds of concerns, the council should be joining up:

Planning.
Planning Enforcement.
Building Control.
Private Sector Housing.
HMO Licensing.
Environmental Health.
ASB.
Community Safety.
Adult Safeguarding.
Children’s Safeguarding.
West Midlands Police.

Not passing residents from one department to another like a parcel nobody wants to sign for.


Residents should not be used as unpaid enforcement staff

One of the most worrying things residents have reported is that they feel they have been “conversation managed” and asked to provide names, door numbers and identifying details, even after warning the council this could put them at risk.

That is unacceptable.

Residents are not HMO inspectors.
Residents are not police officers.
Residents are not safeguarding investigators.
Residents are not landlord-tracing officers.
Residents are not unpaid council enforcement staff.

The council has powers residents do not have.

The council can inspect.
The council can check records.
The council can coordinate departments.
The council can contact landlords and agents.
The council can involve safeguarding and police partners.
The council can use statutory enforcement powers.

So why are residents being asked to do risky doorstep detective work?

Here is the blunt line:

Sandwell Council cannot outsource enforcement intelligence to frightened residents and then call it community involvement.


The landlord contact issue needs urgent explanation

Residents have also reported that they had to provide the council with acting-landlord contact information because the council allegedly did not know who the responsible contact was.

If that is correct, it is astonishing.

How can there be effective HMO licensing, tenant protection, private rented sector enforcement, safeguarding coordination or community safety if the council does not know who is responsible for a property?

How are residents supposed to feel safe if landlords, agents or managing parties are absent, rarely attend and neighbours are left dealing with the fallout when things kick off?

This is exactly why residents are losing trust.

They are not seeing a joined-up council.

They are seeing silos.

One department looking at plans.
Another looking at licensing.
Another waiting for enforcement.
Another dealing with ASB.
Another dealing with safeguarding.
Another asking residents for more information.

Meanwhile, residents are living with the consequences.


Licensing is not planning

Sandwell has introduced borough-wide HMO licensing.

Fine.

But licensing is not planning.

Licensing can deal with safety, standards and management once a property is operating as an HMO.

It does not give residents a planning voice where small HMOs can still slip through without planning permission.

It does not properly assess cumulative HMO concentration.

It does not protect family housing by itself.

It does not solve parking pressure.

It does not stop streets changing one property at a time.

That is why Article 4 matters.

Sandwell needs an Article 4 evidence base for streets like Churchfields Road and Wednesbury more widely.

If the council has enough concern to license HMOs borough-wide, it should have enough concern to map them, track them, enforce against them and bring forward Article 4 controls where evidence supports it.

Otherwise, licensing risks becoming another spreadsheet while residents are left dealing with real life.


Reform now owns the response

Let us be clear.

Much of this mess has built up over years.

The previous Labour administration cannot wash its hands of Sandwell’s planning fog, weak enforcement culture, poor transparency and the slow collapse of resident trust.

But Reform now controls Sandwell Council.

So Reform now owns the response.

Not the historic mess.

The response.

And Churchfields Road is now a test case.

Reform councillors should not accept a bland officer update.
They should not accept “residents can report concerns online”.
They should not accept another circular tour of council departments.
They should not accept casual retrospective regularisation where the Coal Authority has raised substantive concern.

They should demand a proper joined-up review.

A named senior lead officer.
A multi-department case conference.
A street-level HMO and enforcement review.
A risk protocol for residents.
A check of landlord and managing-agent details.
A cross-check of planning, licensing, ASB, safeguarding, police and council records.

This is not radical.

It is basic governance.


What Sandwell Council must now answer

Sandwell Council should answer:

What is the full planning history of 48A / 50 Churchfields Road?

What does ENF/26/13186 relate to?

Does the building as constructed match the approved plans?

Were all relevant conditions discharged?

Were Building Control inspections carried out?

Were Planning Enforcement inspections carried out?

Was the Coal Authority properly consulted at the right stages?

Why is a 2016 coal report being relied upon?

Have intrusive investigations and gas monitoring been carried out?

Is the property being used exactly as described?

Has it been checked against HMO licensing records?

Which Churchfields Road properties are licensed HMOs?

Which are suspected HMOs?

Which have pending licence applications?

Does the council hold correct landlord, owner, agent and acting-manager contact details?

Did residents have to supply those details?

Were residents asked to gather names, door numbers or identifying details despite raising safety concerns?

Was any risk assessment carried out before asking residents to gather information?

Has the Churchfields Road petition been treated as cumulative-impact evidence?

Who is the named senior officer responsible for coordinating the council response?

If the council cannot answer these questions clearly, it proves the point.


What should happen before DC/26/71952 is decided

This application should not be casually approved.

At minimum, Sandwell Council should defer determination until:

The Coal Authority’s substantive concern is fully resolved.

An updated coal-mining risk position is provided.

Intrusive investigations and gas monitoring are evidenced or properly justified.

The enforcement history is explained.

The council confirms whether the built dwelling matches any approval.

The lawful use is confirmed.

Planning Enforcement, Building Control, Private Sector Housing and HMO Licensing have all checked the property.

Parking, access, visibility, waste and residential amenity are properly assessed.

The Churchfields Road petition is considered as evidence of cumulative resident concern.

Anything less would be another exercise in papering over cracks.

And given the Coal Authority issue, that phrase feels uncomfortably appropriate.


This is not anti-tenant

Let us knock one lazy argument on the head.

This is not anti-tenant.

It is not about blaming people who rent, people who are vulnerable, people on low incomes, or people who need somewhere safe to live.

Quite the opposite.

Good housing matters.

Safe housing matters.

Responsible landlords matter.

Proper management matters.

Tenants are not protected by absentee landlords.
Residents are not protected by weak enforcement.
Vulnerable people are not protected by council departments failing to talk to each other.
Communities are not protected by planning decisions made in little sealed boxes.

Bad systems harm everyone.

Tenants and residents both deserve better.


Final thought

48A Churchfields Road is not just a retrospective planning application.

It is a test of Sandwell Council’s seriousness.

A test of whether Coal Authority concerns are properly respected.
A test of whether retrospective development is scrutinised properly.
A test of whether residents are listened to.
A test of whether HMO concerns are tracked.
A test of whether safeguarding and community safety are joined up.
A test of whether council departments can speak to each other.
A test of whether Reform councillors are prepared to grip the issue rather than inherit the fog.

Residents have done their bit.

They have objected.
They have petitioned.
They have gathered evidence.
They have warned the council.
They have raised safety concerns.
They have asked for joined-up action.

Now Sandwell Council needs to do its job.

Enough portals.
Enough fog.
Enough “report it again”.
Enough retrospective shrugging.
Enough asking residents to gather risky information.
Enough treating Churchfields Road as a set of separate files.

Churchfields Road needs action.

Not after the next incident.
Not after the next retrospective application.
Not after the next petition.

Now.


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #ChurchfieldsRoad #Wednesbury #HMOs #Article4 #PlanningWatch #PlanningEnforcement #RetrospectivePlanning #CoalAuthority #ResidentVoice #CommunitySafety #Safeguarding #ReformCouncil

SANDWELL REFORM SCRAPPED THE SANCTUARY LABEL — NOW SHOW US WHAT ACTUALLY CHANGED


SANDWELL REFORM SCRAPPED THE SANCTUARY LABEL — NOW SHOW US WHAT ACTUALLY CHANGED

On 28 July 2026, Sandwell Council’s Reform administration made a very public political statement.

Leader Councillor Ray Nock moved the motion entitled “Our Borough Doesn’t Need Labels”, and the Council voted to stop subscribing to or seeking accreditation under the Borough/City of Sanctuary framework. Sandwell had held Council of Sanctuary recognition since 2023.

The argument put forward included Sandwell’s enormous housing pressures and residents waiting years for social housing.

Fine.

But removing a badge is the easy bit.

What has actually changed?

That is the question residents should now be asking the Reform leadership.

Because nearly five weeks after that Council vote, Sandwell Council's own website still says:

“Sandwell Council is a recognised Council of Sanctuary.”

The Borough of Sanctuary webpage remains online. The Borough of Sanctuary Strategy remains available. The page continues to promote the Sandwell Borough of Sanctuary Partnership and describes the Council's commitment to refugee and migrant communities.

So what exactly happened after the vote?

Was City of Sanctuary formally notified?

When was Sandwell's accreditation relinquished?

Has the Borough of Sanctuary Strategy been withdrawn?

Does the partnership still exist?

Were officers instructed to change anything?

Were policies reviewed?

Were contracts reviewed?

Were grants reviewed?

Were services reviewed?

Did any money actually get saved?

Or did Sandwell Council simply pass a politically attractive motion and then carry on much as before?

A MOTION IS NOT A POLICY RESET

This distinction matters.

The Government, not Sandwell Council, controls the asylum system.

Removing Council of Sanctuary status does not give Sandwell Council the power to prevent the Home Office placing asylum seekers in accommodation within the borough.

It does not by itself close an asylum hotel.

It does not by itself remove a Serco property.

It does not by itself reduce the housing waiting list.

It does not automatically release council houses for existing applicants.

And it does not rewrite national immigration law.

That does not mean the Council is powerless.

Far from it.

Sandwell can lobby government.

It can challenge disproportionate dispersal.

It can demand transparency about accommodation being placed within the borough.

It can rigorously enforce planning, HMO, housing and environmental health requirements within the powers available to it.

It can examine the impact of population pressures upon schools, SEND provision, healthcare, homelessness, community safety and other public services.

It can scrutinise every relevant grant and contract.

It can publish what it is doing.

And it can tell residents clearly what powers it has, what powers it does not have, and what representations it has made to Government.

So where is that programme of work?

£610,995 — HAS REFORM REVIEWED IT?

There is another issue which deserves proper scrutiny.

In January 2026, before Reform took control of Sandwell Council, the then administration approved a three-year consolidated grant worth £610,995 to Brushstrokes Community Project, covering the period from 1 April 2026 to 31 March 2029.

Let us be absolutely clear about this.

This was not a Reform decision.

It was inherited.

The Cabinet report described Brushstrokes as providing support to vulnerable migrant communities, including asylum seekers, refugees, people at risk of destitution and homelessness, and others requiring support.

The consolidated arrangement brings together funding connected with Public Health, Housing Management, Voluntary Sector Support, Family Hubs and Sandwell Children's Trust.

Previous funding arrangements also included money connected with supporting contingency hotels and the Home Office Asylum Dispersal Grant.

The question for the new administration therefore isn't:

“Why did Reform approve it?”

They didn't.

The question is:

Has Reform reviewed it?

If your political position is sufficiently strong that Sandwell should relinquish Council of Sanctuary accreditation, surely it is reasonable to examine the actual policies, spending arrangements, contracts and grants operating in the same broad policy area.

What has been reviewed?

What remains unchanged?

What can legally be changed?

What cannot?

What is funded by central government?

What is funded from Sandwell's own resources?

What outcomes are being purchased?

And where public money is being spent, is Sandwell receiving full value for it?

Those are legitimate questions irrespective of somebody's political position on immigration.

THEN THERE IS THE NEW ASYLUM HOUSING MODEL

This is potentially much more important than the Sanctuary badge.

The Government has committed £500 million towards developing a new asylum accommodation model with local authorities.

The stated concept includes councils making basic alternative accommodation available temporarily for people awaiting decisions on asylum claims, with the Government saying it wants the investment eventually to leave a housing legacy for local communities.

A House of Commons Home Affairs Committee report recorded that 198 local authorities had expressed interest in participating in pilots testing localised asylum accommodation models.

That does not mean 198 councils signed up.

It means 198 expressed interest.

And there is an important information gap.

As recently as June 2026 the Government said locations and funding allocations were still being reviewed. It has also said some information concerning interested local authorities is commercially sensitive.

I have found no published evidence that Sandwell is one of the authorities selected for the scheme.

But equally, the absence of Sandwell from publicly reported shortlists does not prove that Sandwell never submitted an expression of interest.

That needs answering properly.

DID SANDWELL EXPRESS AN INTEREST?

This is therefore one of the questions I have now put directly to Sandwell Council under the Freedom of Information Act.

Between 1 January 2025 and the present:

Did Sandwell express an interest in the new asylum accommodation model?

Did it request information?

Did it apply?

Was it invited to participate?

Was it approached?

Was any business case prepared?

Was funding sought?

Were properties or bedspaces proposed?

And, importantly, who authorised any such submission?

There is another dimension.

If an expression of interest was submitted under the previous Labour administration, what did the incoming Reform administration do with it after taking control?

Continue it?

Withdraw it?

Change it?

Suspend it?

Or nothing at all?

Residents deserve a straight answer.

DON'T CONFUSE ASYLUM SEEKERS WITH REFUGEES

This debate also needs precision.

An asylum seeker awaiting a decision is not legally the same thing as somebody who has subsequently been granted refugee status.

Likewise, Afghan resettlement schemes are not the same thing as the general asylum dispersal system.

Sandwell previously accepted government Local Authority Housing Fund money for properties associated with Afghan resettlement.

Those arrangements need scrutiny too, but they should not simply be lumped together and described as “housing asylum seekers”.

Getting these distinctions right matters.

Otherwise councils and government can legitimately dismiss criticism because the terminology is wrong.

There are plenty of difficult questions to ask without getting basic facts wrong.

THE REAL TEST FOR REFORM

The Reform administration now controls Sandwell Council.

It chose to make Sanctuary status an issue.

It chose the motion.

It chose the political language.

It connected the debate with Sandwell's housing pressures.

Therefore it is entirely reasonable for residents to ask Reform to demonstrate what practical difference its decision has made.

Not another photograph.

Not another slogan.

Not another Facebook graphic.

Not another declaration about what Labour did before May.

Show us the work.

Has Sandwell challenged the Home Office over dispersal?

Has it asked for further placements to be restricted because of existing pressures?

Has it quantified the impact on public services?

Has it reviewed relevant expenditure?

Has it reviewed the Brushstrokes agreement?

Has it reviewed inherited migration and resettlement policies?

Has it established how many properties are involved in Home Office asylum accommodation across Sandwell?

Has it asked what effect concentrations of accommodation are having on individual neighbourhoods?

Has it examined the relationship with HMOs?

Has it strengthened enforcement?

Has it reviewed government grants?

Has it published any assessment of what withdrawing Sanctuary status actually achieves?

And has it established whether Sandwell has been involved in the Government's new asylum housing proposals?

These questions require answers.

THE WEBSITE ITSELF NOW SYMBOLISES THE PROBLEM

There is something almost absurd about the current situation.

Reform passed a Council motion saying Sandwell no longer needed the Sanctuary label.

Yet, at the time of writing on 29 August 2026, the Council's own website is still proudly telling residents:

“Sandwell Council is a recognised Council of Sanctuary.”

Perhaps it is simply an administrative delay.

If so, fix it.

But it also illustrates the wider problem beautifully.

Passing the motion was the easy part. Implementing change is the part that counts.

THE FOIs ARE NOW GOING IN

I have now submitted a focused Freedom of Information request asking Sandwell to disclose what was actually done following the 28 July decision and whether the Council has had any involvement in the Government's new asylum accommodation proposals.

Further tightly focused requests will look at the financial and property side rather than bundling everything into one enormous request.

Those will include questions around funding, grants, housing assets and the practical asylum accommodation picture within Sandwell.

This isn't about making allegations.

It is about obtaining records.

Then residents can judge the evidence for themselves.

REMOVING A BADGE IS NOT ENOUGH

Sandwell has very real problems.

Housing shortages.

HMOs.

Homelessness.

Pressure on GP services.

School places.

SEND provision.

Infrastructure.

Community cohesion.

Deprivation.

And residents who have spent years waiting for suitable social housing.

Those pressures deserve serious government.

Whatever someone's view of national immigration policy, pretending a Council of Sanctuary certificate is the source of all those problems would be far too simplistic.

But equally, a council cannot invoke those pressures to justify removing Sanctuary status and then refuse to explain what meaningful action follows.

If Reform's position is that Sandwell needs a fundamentally different approach, then deliver one.

Publish the evidence.

Challenge government where necessary.

Review the spending.

Review the contracts.

Review the housing implications.

Enforce the rules.

Tell residents what is happening.

And be transparent about Sandwell's involvement—or lack of involvement—in new government asylum accommodation schemes.

Because residents did not vote for a change of logo.

They voted for a change of administration.

Now we need to see whether that produces a change in outcomes.


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #ReformUK #BoroughOfSanctuary #AsylumHousing #Migration #Refugees #SocialHousing #HousingCrisis #HMOs #FOI #FreedomOfInformation #Transparency #Accountability #LocalGovernment #PublicSpending #HomeOffice #SandwellPolitics #HousingPressure #CouncilWatch

Friday, 28 August 2026

Sandwell’s Information Highway? More Like an Information Dirt Track

 



Sandwell’s Information Highway? More Like an Information Dirt Track

We hear an awful lot about transparency, openness and accountability in local government.

Lovely words.

They look particularly good in strategies, committee reports, corporate plans and glossy presentations.

But try actually getting hold of some information and the so-called information highway can very quickly start looking more like a dirt track.

A muddy one.

With potholes.

And several signs missing.

That is increasingly my experience when trying to obtain information not just from Sandwell Council, but from other public bodies too.

And the more I deal with Freedom of Information requests, Subject Access Requests, Environmental Information Regulations, internal reviews and the Information Commissioner’s Office, the more I wonder how on earth an ordinary resident who has never encountered any of this before is supposed to navigate it.

Why am I submitting more FOIs?

I am making considerably more Freedom of Information requests than I used to.

Not because I have suddenly discovered an exciting new hobby.

Believe me, there are better ways to spend your time than drafting an FOI, waiting for a response, chasing it, reading the response, discovering half the questions haven’t actually been answered, writing back again, requesting an internal review and eventually compiling a complaint for the Information Commissioner.

I submit FOIs because too much information simply isn’t readily available.

If the information was already published properly on the Council website, I wouldn’t need to ask for it.

That is surely the point of genuine transparency.

Residents should be able to find out:

  • what decisions have been made;

  • who made them;

  • why they were made;

  • what evidence was considered;

  • what money was spent;

  • which organisations received funding;

  • what consultations took place;

  • what residents actually said;

  • and what happened afterwards.

Too often, obtaining those answers requires an FOI.

And even then, receiving a response doesn’t necessarily mean receiving an answer.

“Thank you for your response… but you haven’t answered the question”

This is becoming an increasingly familiar part of the process.

You ask eight questions.

You get a response.

Question 1 is answered.

Question 2 gets half an answer.

Question 3 appears to have disappeared.

Question 4 is answered with something vaguely relating to Question 6.

Questions 5 and 7 receive the magical word:

“Nil.”

And Question 8 apparently never existed.

Then you write back.

Again.

The frustrating thing is that every additional email creates more work for everybody.

More work for the resident.

More work for Council officers.

More work for whoever conducts the internal review.

And eventually, perhaps, more work for the ICO.

So when public bodies talk about the increasing number of FOI requests, perhaps they should also ask:

How many follow-up emails, internal reviews and ICO complaints would never have been necessary if the original questions had simply been answered properly in the first place?

Sandwell’s own performance figures show there is a problem

This isn’t simply my perception.

Sandwell Council’s own performance figures show significant problems.

The Council’s target for answering Freedom of Information requests within the required timescale is 90%.

Its performance during 2025/26 was:

  • Q1 – 71%

  • Q2 – 67%

  • Q3 – 70%

  • Q4 – 70%

  • Annual performance – 70%

There were 1,329 FOI requests during the year.

The Council says FOI demand increased by 22%.

But even with that increase, 70% against a 90% target is hardly something to celebrate.

And the picture for Subject Access Requests is considerably worse.

Again, the target was 90%.

Actual performance was:

  • Q1 – 52%

  • Q2 – 60%

  • Q3 – 50%

  • Q4 – 36%

  • Annual performance – 50%

Only half of SARs were completed within the required timescale over the year.

By Q4 that had fallen to barely more than one in three.

Those are Sandwell Council’s own figures.

But the performance figures don’t tell us whether the answers are actually any good

And there is another problem.

The performance indicator largely measures whether a response was issued on time.

It doesn’t necessarily tell us whether that response was:

  • comprehensive;

  • accurate;

  • helpful;

  • properly researched;

  • or based on adequate searches.

A response saying:

“Nil”

on day 19 could count as a successful performance result.

A detailed response on day 21 might count as a failure.

So even when we look at the Council’s performance figures, we are mainly measuring speed.

We are not necessarily measuring quality.

That distinction matters enormously.

Some of the matters I have referred to the ICO have not simply been about delay.

They have concerned whether searches were adequate, whether information really wasn’t held, whether questions had been properly answered and whether additional information existed that should have been identified earlier.

Sandwell knows information governance is a risk

Again, none of this is being invented by people asking awkward questions.

Sandwell Council itself has identified compliance with the Data Protection Act, UK GDPR and Freedom of Information legislation as a strategic risk.

The issue has previously been rated RED on the Council’s Strategic Risk Register.

It was subsequently reduced to AMBER, but it remains an acknowledged governance risk requiring continued action and monitoring.

That matters.

When residents complain about FOI delays, poor responses, inadequate searches or SAR problems, the response shouldn’t simply be:

“We’re receiving more requests.”

The Council’s own documents acknowledge the problem.

The question therefore becomes:

What is being done about it, and is it actually working?

Sandwell has already recognised that it should publish more information

This is perhaps the most interesting part.

Sandwell’s own risk documentation refers to developing a proactive publication website that goes beyond the existing FOI disclosure log.

The idea is simple.

Publish information of public interest before residents have to ask for it.

Improve transparency.

Reduce FOI demand.

Exactly.

That is what many of us have been saying.

Pilots were supposed to take place between February and June 2026.

It is now the end of August.

So where are the results?

What was piloted?

What information was published?

How many FOIs did it prevent?

What changed?

Where can residents see the improvement?

Because if the answer to rising FOI demand is greater proactive transparency, then surely residents should now be able to see the fruits of that work.

And then there is the ICO

This year I have had to make considerably more referrals to the Information Commissioner’s Office.

Not just involving Sandwell Council.

My casework has also included matters involving:

  • West Midlands Police;

  • the Environment Agency;

  • safeguarding bodies;

  • other public authorities;

  • and information rights involving other organisations.

Some complaints have been accepted for investigation.

Others have required clarification.

Some have involved new ICO reference numbers replacing older ones.

In several instances I have had to write to the ICO simply asking:

Which FOI request does this case reference actually relate to?

That says something in itself about how complicated this system can become.

I have now had to build a Master Foundation Document just to keep track of the requests, ICO numbers, superseded case numbers, outstanding actions and what information the regulator still requires.

And I deal with this sort of material regularly.

Imagine being an ordinary resident encountering it for the first time.

The ICO itself has a massive backlog

Unfortunately, once you reach the regulator, matters are not exactly moving at motorway speed there either.

PublicTechnology reported this month that the ICO’s active FOI caseload increased from 1,595 in April 2025 to 4,476 in July 2026.

Annual FOI complaints increased from:

7,639 in 2024/25

to:

10,713 in 2025/26.

More than 12,000 are expected this year.

The ICO has said roughly 400 more cases a month are entering the system than it can deal with.

In evidence to Parliament earlier this year, the ICO said new complaints were taking around eight months simply to allocate in many cases.

Eight months.

Not necessarily eight months to conclude the investigation.

Eight months before somebody may actually be allocated to deal with it.

That is a serious problem for public accountability.

So what does the ordinary resident face?

Consider the journey.

You want to know why your Council made a decision.

First you search the website.

You can’t find the information.

Then you try to work out whether you need:

  • an FOI;

  • an Environmental Information Regulations request;

  • a Subject Access Request;

  • or just a normal enquiry.

You submit the request.

You wait.

You receive a response.

Perhaps some questions aren’t answered.

Perhaps information is said not to be held.

Perhaps an exemption is applied.

Perhaps the response is late.

Then you have to request an internal review.

You wait again.

If you still disagree, you prepare a complaint for the ICO.

You need the original request.

The response.

The internal review request.

The review outcome.

The evidence.

The reference numbers.

And you need to explain precisely what you believe went wrong.

Then you may wait months before independent scrutiny begins.

That is not exactly an information highway.

It is starting to look rather more like an endurance event.

The public authority knows what information exists. The resident doesn’t.

This is the fundamental imbalance.

The authority knows:

  • which records exist;

  • which officers hold them;

  • what systems are used;

  • where emails are stored;

  • which shared drives exist;

  • which internal terminology is used;

  • and which documents should be searched.

The resident knows none of that.

Yet if the response comes back saying:

“Information not held”

the resident is then somehow expected to decide whether the search was adequate.

How?

They cannot see the systems.

They do not know what was searched.

They do not know which officers were asked.

They may not even know what the document they are looking for is called.

That is why transparency should not depend entirely upon residents becoming experts in information law.

And what about charities and publicly funded organisations?

This is another murky area for residents.

A charity is not automatically covered by the Freedom of Information Act simply because it receives public money.

That is an important legal distinction.

But many charities and community organisations receive substantial public funding, deliver public services or operate from publicly supported facilities.

Residents may understandably ask questions.

Some information might instead have to be requested from the Council or other public authority funding the organisation.

Where personal information is involved, the organisation may also have separate obligations under data-protection legislation and Subject Access rules.

But there is a wider governance point here too.

Just because an organisation can legally avoid answering a particular public question does not necessarily mean that ignoring reasonable questions represents good governance.

If organisations receive substantial public money, transparency should surely be regarded as an asset rather than an inconvenience.

The answer is not simply more FOI officers

If public bodies genuinely want to reduce Freedom of Information demand, the answer cannot simply be hiring more people to answer more requests.

The better answer is:

Publish more information.

Make it easy to find.

Make it searchable.

Make it understandable.

Publish contracts.

Publish grants.

Publish consultation results.

Publish performance information.

Publish project updates.

Publish decision records.

Publish frequently requested datasets.

Publish commissioning information.

Publish governance reviews.

Publish the information residents repeatedly ask for.

And every time an FOI uncovers information of obvious public interest, somebody within the organisation should ask:

Why did this person have to submit an FOI for this?

and:

Should we publish this routinely from now on?

That would be genuine transparency.

Transparency shouldn’t depend upon stamina

That is the heart of the issue for me.

I am persistent.

I will chase.

I will ask again.

I will request an internal review.

I will go to the ICO when necessary.

But public accountability cannot depend upon every resident being willing or able to do that.

Some people will give up after the first poor response.

Others will not know they can challenge it.

Some will not understand the exemptions.

Others will not know the difference between FOI, EIR and SAR.

Many simply will not have the time or energy.

And the result is obvious:

Those who understand the system and are prepared to keep pushing may eventually get answers.

Those who don’t may never get them.

That is not what accessible public information should look like.

So is it an information highway or a dirt track?

At the moment?

Far too often, it feels like the dirt track.

Sandwell says it wants transparency.

The Council’s own documents recognise the need for proactive publication.

Its own risk register recognises information-governance concerns.

Its own performance figures show significant FOI and SAR problems.

The ICO is dealing with an enormous and growing national backlog.

And residents are caught in the middle.

So perhaps public bodies need to stop asking only:

“Why are we getting so many FOIs?”

and start asking:

“Why do residents need to submit so many FOIs in the first place?”

And then perhaps ask one more:

“How many ICO complaints would disappear if we simply answered every question properly the first time?”

Now that really would be progress.


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #FreedomOfInformation #FOI #Transparency #Accountability #ICO #InformationCommissioner #SAR #SubjectAccessRequest #InformationGovernance #DataProtection #GDPR #EIR #LocalGovernment #CouncilScrutiny #PublicAccountability #SandwellInsight

Sandwell Audit Committee: Plenty of Assurance... But Where's the Evidence?

 


Sandwell Audit Committee: Plenty of Assurance... But Where's the Evidence?

There are some council meetings where you can almost predict the script before anybody has even taken their seat.

A report is presented. Officers explain that improvements are underway. Members are “reassured”. Recommendations are “accepted”. A new board, strategy, action plan or working group has been established. Everyone nods solemnly, the report is noted and off we go to the next item.

But the Audit and Risk Assurance Committee really cannot operate like that.

If there is one committee at Sandwell Council whose job should be to keep asking “prove it”, this is it.

The Committee meets on Thursday, 3 September 2026 at 6.00pm in the Council Chamber at Sandwell Council House, Oldbury.

You can find the meeting details here:

Audit and Risk Assurance Committee – Thursday, 3 September 2026, 6.00pm

The full agenda and reports pack is here:

Agenda and reports – Audit and Risk Assurance Committee

And, importantly, residents can watch the meeting live here:

WATCH LIVE – Audit and Risk Assurance Committee – Civico

I have also emailed members of the Committee before the meeting, setting out a number of concerns and questions arising from both this agenda and, crucially, the draft minutes of their previous meeting.

Because those previous minutes deserve a lot more attention than simply somebody saying, “Are we all happy they're a correct record?” followed by a chorus of “Agreed”.

The July meeting was a big one

The previous meeting took place on 27 July 2026.

In roughly 90 minutes, the Committee dealt with Sandwell's Draft Statement of Accounts, Grant Thornton's External Audit Plan, the strategy for rebuilding external audit assurance, the Annual Internal Audit Report, the Strategic Risk Register and the Annual Governance Statement.

That is quite a bit of important governance squeezed between 6pm and 7.30pm.

Now, meeting length alone proves absolutely nothing. You could have a brilliant 90-minute meeting or three hours of waffle.

The question is what scrutiny actually took place and, just as importantly, whether the official minutes demonstrate it.

And that is where things become rather interesting.

Six Limited Assurance audits

Internal Audit completed 25 reviews during 2025/26.

Three received Substantial Assurance, 16 received Reasonable Assurance and six received Limited Assurance.

Those six were not some obscure collection of paperclip inventories and tea-fund procedures.

They concerned Payroll, Housing Electrical Safety Inspections, Procurement and Contract Compliance, SEND Placement Costs, Sandwell Children's Trust's Financial Outturn and Boscobel Tenant Management Organisation.

That's almost one quarter of the assurance-rated audits receiving Limited Assurance.

Internal Audit also made 171 recommendations.

And then comes a number I think members really ought to concentrate on:

Only 54% of previous audit recommendations had been fully implemented.

Now, apparently all the recommendations have been “accepted by management”.

Lovely.

But accepting an audit recommendation is the easy bit.

I can accept that I should lose two stone, exercise every day, tidy the garage and finish everything on my to-do list by Friday.

That doesn't mean any of it has actually happened.

The real Audit Committee question should be:

How many recommendations have actually been implemented, how many are overdue, how many are Fundamental or Significant, and how many have been independently retested by Internal Audit to prove the problem has genuinely been fixed?

That is assurance.

Everything before that is an action plan.

Procurement – here we go again

The July minutes themselves acknowledge that procurement and contract compliance has been a recurring audit concern for a number of years.

A Procurement Board has now been established and a new Procurement Strategy is promised.

Good.

But we've had enough boards, strategies, plans and “journeys” over the years to wallpaper Sandwell Council House.

The test is not whether a Procurement Board exists.

The test is whether the underlying weaknesses have stopped.

Is the contract register complete? Are declarations of interest properly recorded? Are exemptions properly documented? Are signed contracts actually being retained? Are large contract awards being reported correctly? Are the requirements of the Procurement Act properly embedded?

And, most importantly:

When will Internal Audit go back and test it again?

Because saying “we've fixed it” and an auditor independently confirming “yes, you have” are two completely different things.

Housing electrical safety

One of those six Limited Assurance reports concerns Housing Transformation – Electrical Safety Inspections.

This isn't a filing-system problem.

This is resident safety.

The wider evidence identified delays around remedial work, incomplete records and issues around the scheduling and completion of electrical inspections.

Yet you would struggle to appreciate the seriousness of that by reading the July minutes.

Again, that doesn't necessarily mean members didn't ask questions. It means the official record does not show us much evidence that they did.

For September, I would like to know the simple numbers.

What percentage of council homes are currently compliant?

How many inspections are overdue?

How many remedial works remain outstanding?

What's the oldest case?

And has Internal Audit gone back and checked whether the controls now work?

That would tell residents considerably more than “management actions are in place”.

SEND – another red flag

SEND Placement Costs also received Limited Assurance.

This is particularly concerning because SEND demand and expenditure are themselves major strategic pressures for Sandwell.

The audit concerns included the quality of decision records and the audit trail around placement decisions and financial commitments.

Again, this is where the Committee should join the dots.

If SEND is simultaneously a major strategic risk and the controls around SEND placement expenditure receive Limited Assurance, that should surely attract some serious questioning.

Yet the July minutes preserve remarkably little detailed discussion of it.

Sandwell Children's Trust

Then we have Sandwell Children's Trust.

Its Financial Outturn audit also received Limited Assurance.

This followed the discovery that three manual payment runs totalling around £2.732 million had not been recorded in the ledger, contributing to a major late deterioration in the Trust's financial position.

There have since been changes and improvements, including the appointment of a new Head of Finance, and those should absolutely be recognised.

But again:

Have the new controls been independently tested?

That is the recurring theme here.

Not “we've introduced a process”.

Not “we've appointed somebody”.

Not “a board is overseeing it”.

Does it now work?

And then there's Boscobel

The Boscobel Tenant Management Organisation audit was another Limited Assurance review.

At the July meeting, officers said the findings would be shared with Boscobel and Riverside. When members asked whether the findings had actually been communicated to tenants, officers couldn't confirm that and said they would make further enquiries.

Well, that was July.

It's September.

What did those enquiries establish?

This is exactly the sort of small but important commitment that can vanish between meetings unless somebody follows it up.

It is also why I believe this Committee needs a proper public action tracker.

Who agreed to do what? By when? Is it complete? Who has verified it?

Simple stuff.

The bank reconciliation – September has arrived

The July minutes also record that changes to financial systems had affected the Council's bank reconciliation process.

Members were told that reconciliations through 31 March 2026 would be completed and available to the external auditors in September.

Well, here we are.

September.

So there should be a very straightforward question on Thursday evening:

Are they complete?

Not “nearly”.

Not “progressing”.

Not “we remain confident”.

Complete.

Reviewed.

Signed off.

And supplied to Grant Thornton.

If they aren't, members need to know why and whether that has consequences for the external audit timetable.

Four PFI financial models

Members were also told that four PFI financial models were undergoing specialist review and that the potential financial consequences could not yet be quantified.

Again, July was July.

Nobody should be criticised simply because specialist work hadn't finished at that point.

But September provides the obvious checkpoint.

Have the reviews finished?

Have accounting adjustments been identified?

Are any material?

Has Grant Thornton seen them?

This is how audit scrutiny should work: question, undertaking, deadline, answer.

Not question, undertaking, disappearance into the great municipal filing cabinet in the sky.

No contingency plan

Perhaps one of the most significant admissions in the July minutes is that no formal contingency arrangements were in place should the November external-audit milestone be missed.

Grant Thornton's strategy depends heavily upon completing the 2025/26 audit work so that historic assurance can then be rebuilt.

The Council's annual report correctly records that the statutory backstop for 2025/26 is 31 January 2027.

Yet the July minutes incorrectly describe 30 November 2026 as the statutory backstop deadline.

It isn't.

November is an extremely important operational milestone in the assurance-recovery programme, but the statutory backstop is January.

That might look like pedantry.

It isn't.

This is the Audit and Risk Assurance Committee.

Dates, numbers and audit terminology really ought to mean what they say.

And that isn't the only drafting problem

There are several peculiarities across the September documents.

The agenda profile says the Committee consists of eight elected members and three independent members, before listing 11 councillors and two independent members.

The Counter Fraud report gives the value of prevented Right to Buy discounts as £699,700 in one place and £669,700 elsewhere.

There is also a financial-year heading which appears to refer to 2024/25 within the 2025/26 results.

Then there is the July minute structure itself. The figures about 25 Internal Audit reviews, six Limited Assurance reports, 171 recommendations and 54% implementation are placed under the minute dealing with Grant Thornton's Regaining Assurance Strategy, when they appear to belong to the following Annual Internal Audit Report item.

None of those things individually brings Sandwell crashing to the ground.

Mistakes happen.

But there is a certain irony when the paperwork of the Audit and Risk Assurance Committee needs its own quality assurance.

Strategic risks... and apparently AI

The Strategic Risk Register considered in July included serious issues involving Adult Social Care and Integrated Care Board changes, financial sustainability, budget management, SEND, housing, cyber security, business continuity and community cohesion.

So what detailed discussion survives in the official minutes?

Artificial Intelligence.

We are told Sandwell has an AI Governance Policy, that it gets reviewed and that training materials are available.

Fine.

AI is worth considering.

But if members also subjected the Council's major financial, housing, SEND and adult social care risks to robust challenge, why doesn't the public record show us?

That is not an accusation.

It is a perfectly reasonable question about the quality of the Committee's minutes.

“Effective and fit for purpose”

The Annual Governance Statement concluded that Sandwell's governance arrangements remained “effective and fit for purpose”.

At the same time, it identified six areas requiring continuing improvement, including financial sustainability, housing governance and regulatory compliance, governance of companies and partnerships, compliance with governance procedures and organisational capacity.

Again, maybe that overall conclusion is justified.

But the Audit Committee ought to test it.

How does “effective and fit for purpose” sit alongside six Limited Assurance audits, recurring procurement weaknesses and only 54% implementation of previous audit recommendations?

There may be a perfectly good answer.

Ask for it.

That's what assurance means.

Counter Fraud deserves credit

Not everything in this week's pack should be greeted with a raised eyebrow.

The Annual Counter Fraud Report contains some genuinely strong results.

During 2025/26 the team reports 281 completed investigations, 29 prosecutions, 42 council properties recovered, 41 housing applications cancelled before allocation and 10 Right to Buy purchases prevented.

The reported value of identified/prevented fraud and associated savings has increased significantly.

That work deserves recognition.

But good scrutiny doesn't stop because a report contains good news.

I still want the £699,700/£669,700 discrepancy corrected.

And where the report describes around £916,000 as actual or non-notional value, I'd like members to establish how much represents money actually recovered into the Council's accounts, how much is an established overpayment, and how much represents expenditure or discounts prevented.

They're all valuable outcomes.

They're just not the same thing.

8,140 National Fraud Initiative matches

The National Fraud Initiative generated 8,140 potential matches.

The report quite properly explains that a match is not itself evidence of fraud.

What would be useful is the other half of the story.

How many have been reviewed?

How many led to investigations?

How many resulted in fraud or error being established?

How many produced recoveries?

That would turn an activity figure into an outcome measure.

I've written to the Committee

Ahead of Thursday's meeting, I have sent Committee members a detailed email highlighting these issues and asking them to pursue the outstanding questions.

This isn't about trying to catch councillors or officers out.

I've said before that I want Sandwell Council to improve and I will give credit where it is due.

But being a critical friend does not mean sitting quietly while a report tells us everything is progressing nicely.

Sometimes friendship involves asking awkward questions.

And an Audit Committee without awkward questions is basically a very expensive book club.

One simple improvement

There is something the Committee could introduce almost immediately that would make a real difference.

Publish a standing Audit and Risk Assurance Action Tracker with every agenda.

For every significant audit recommendation or undertaking, show who owns it, the original deadline, current status, whether management says it is complete and — most importantly — whether Internal or External Audit has independently verified completion.

Then residents and Committee members could see the difference between:

PROMISED → DONE → VERIFIED.

At the moment, too much public-sector reporting stops somewhere around the first word.

Thursday should be about evidence

There is undoubtedly some positive progress within Sandwell's governance arrangements.

The Counter Fraud results are strong.

The Council got its draft accounts published on time.

Grant Thornton has a route towards restoring full audit assurance.

Internal Audit remains active and is openly identifying serious weaknesses rather than pretending they don't exist.

All of that matters.

But so do six Limited Assurance audits, 171 recommendations, recurring procurement problems, housing safety concerns, SEND controls, Children's Trust finances, unresolved audit-recovery issues and a previous recommendation implementation rate of only 54%.

The Committee's job isn't to panic about those things.

Nor is its job to wave them through because an action plan exists.

Its job is to establish whether the controls actually work.

So when the Committee meets at 6.00pm on Thursday 3 September, I hope members keep returning to one very simple question:

“Show us the evidence.”

Because that, surely, is what audit and assurance is supposed to be about.


Meeting information

Audit and Risk Assurance Committee
Thursday, 3 September 2026 – 6.00pm

Meeting details

Agenda and full reports pack

Watch the meeting LIVE on Civico


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #Audit #Governance #Accountability #Transparency #LocalGovernment #CounterFraud #SEND #Housing #Procurement #SandwellInsight

Thursday, 27 August 2026

Sandwell Health & Wellbeing: Where Are the Outcomes, Accountability and Resident Voice?

 



Sandwell Health & Wellbeing: Where Are the Outcomes, Accountability and Resident Voice?

Sandwell's Health and Wellbeing Board meets on Wednesday 2 September 2026 at 5.30pm in the Council Chamber, Sandwell Council House, Oldbury.

The meeting is open to the public and, importantly, it can also be watched online.

📄 Agenda and full reports pack:
Sandwell Health and Wellbeing Board – 2 September 2026

📺 Watch the meeting live:
Health and Wellbeing Board – Sandwell Council webcast

And this is one meeting I think is worth keeping an eye on.

I have spent quite a bit of time going through the 126-page agenda pack. There is some genuinely important work in it — mental health, maternity, air quality, neighbourhood healthcare, health inequalities and a £76.363 million Better Care Fund.

There is also an awful lot of the usual public-sector vocabulary: strategies, partnerships, transformation, co-production, alignment, frameworks, pathways, priorities, programmes and — naturally — more partnerships.

I sometimes wonder whether there is a warehouse somewhere in Sandwell where they keep all the partnerships when they're not being strategically aligned.

But behind all of that language are some extremely serious issues.

And having attended Health and Wellbeing Board meetings myself, I have a fundamental question:

Is this Board actually improving the health of Sandwell residents — or are we sometimes watching a very expensive talking shop congratulate itself?

I ask that as a critical friend, because I actually want the Board to succeed.

Sandwell badly needs it to.


Never mind the glossy presentations — look at Sandwell's health

Before anybody gets carried away congratulating everybody else on another successful initiative, perhaps we should look at the actual outcomes.

Sandwell's own Joint Strategic Needs Assessment contains some sobering figures.

Healthy life expectancy is around 52.7 years for men and just 51.3 years for women — around eight or nine years below the equivalent national figures.

Infant mortality is recorded at 7.4 deaths per 1,000 live births compared with 4.2 nationally.

Premature mortality is substantially above the England figure.

Childhood obesity remains extremely high.

Cancer-screening performance is below national levels in several areas.

Vaccination uptake presents problems.

Tuberculosis remains a significant concern.

These aren't abstract statistics.

They're Sandwell residents.

And that is ultimately what the Health and Wellbeing Board exists to improve.

So perhaps the first rule of these meetings should be:

Nobody gets a gold star simply for having an initiative.

The question is whether it worked.


£76 MILLION — where are the outcomes?

The biggest financial item before the Board is the Sandwell Better Care Fund for 2026/27.

The pooled health and social-care budget is:

£76,363,330

Not exactly small change.

It includes money from the NHS, the Council's Better Care Grant, Disabled Facilities Grant and additional council contributions.

It funds everything from reablement and hospital discharge to community alarms, carers, social care, adaptations, intermediate care and schemes intended to prevent unnecessary hospital and residential-care admissions.

Much of that is valuable work.

But here's where I would like to see the Board become considerably more inquisitive.

The papers themselves acknowledge previous findings around:

  • duplication;

  • under-used capacity;

  • inefficiencies;

  • workforce deployment;

  • manual processes;

  • poor performance visibility;

  • and the need to demonstrate better value for money.

Fine.

At least somebody is looking.

But with £76 million on the table, I don't want the scrutiny to finish with:

"Thank you for that very comprehensive report."

"Excellent partnership working."

"Any further comments?"

"No?"

"Noted."

Next item.

I want some much simpler questions.

What did we spend?

What did residents receive?

What improved?

What didn't improve?

Which services provide good value?

Which don't?

What are we changing because of that evidence?

There is a peculiar habit in the public sector whereby a programme can apparently be regarded as successful because lots of activity took place.

"We trained 700 people."

Fine.

What changed?

"We made 27,000 contacts."

Fine.

What changed?

"We held six workshops."

Lovely.

WHAT CHANGED?

Activity is not automatically an outcome.


Neighbourhood Health — I actually like the principle

One proposal I think has genuine potential is Sandwell's new Neighbourhood Health and Care Model.

The idea is to organise services around Sandwell's six towns:

Oldbury, Rowley Regis, Smethwick, Tipton, Wednesbury and West Bromwich.

Health, Adult Social Care, primary care, mental health, community services, voluntary organisations, public health, social prescribing and other support are supposed to work together around local communities.

The Council's own presentation sums up the ambition as:

“fewer hand-offs, earlier support, better resident experience and better use of public money.”

I can't argue with that.

If it works, excellent.

But residents don't experience a colourful diagram showing six interconnected circles.

They experience whether somebody answers the telephone.

Whether they can obtain an appointment.

Whether the GP knows what the hospital is doing.

Whether Adult Social Care knows what the NHS is doing.

Whether an elderly person comes home from hospital with the right support.

Whether a carer receives help before reaching breaking point.

And whether somebody with complex needs has to tell their entire life story yet again to Department Number 17 because apparently Department Number 16 can't speak to it.

That's how the neighbourhood model must eventually be judged.

There is also the slightly awkward fact that the Health and Wellbeing Board currently has no Primary Care representative, despite primary care being absolutely central to much of what this new model intends doing.

The papers say discussions are continuing to find one.

Hopefully locating a representative from Sandwell's primary-care system doesn't become a new five-year strategic workstream.


Apparently “lived experience” is important...

One phrase appears everywhere these days.

Lived experience.

Apparently public bodies are very keen on it.

And I agree with them.

The previous Health and Wellbeing Board minutes themselves acknowledge the importance of hearing people's lived experience when addressing health inequalities.

Excellent.

Because I have plenty of it.

So do thousands of other Sandwell residents.

People know what it's like living with chronic illness.

They know what it's like navigating hospitals.

They know what it's like trying to get a GP appointment.

They know about disability.

Mental health.

Caring.

Social care.

Hospital discharge.

Waiting lists.

Being passed between organisations.

And trying to persuade several different parts of "the system" that they are all talking about the same human being.

So why isn't there a much clearer mechanism for residents to contribute directly to this Board?

One sentence in the governance paper particularly caught my attention:

“Engagement outside of the Board's membership is not required.”

Now, let's be fair.

That sentence relates specifically to the report concerning the Board's membership, terms of reference and work programme. It doesn't mean Sandwell has declared the public permanently surplus to requirements.

Elsewhere the papers make quite a song and dance about engagement, co-production and lived experience.

But perhaps that's precisely why the wording bothers me.

If residents' experience is so valuable, let some residents speak directly to the Board.

Why not have a proper public-question session?

Why not invite somebody with relevant lived experience when a particular issue is being discussed?

Why not establish a resident reference group which can report directly to the Board?

Why must "resident voice" always have to pass through another organisation, another consultation exercise or another professionally facilitated workshop before anybody important hears it?

Sometimes the most useful contribution might simply be somebody from Sandwell saying:

"That's not how it works when you're actually trying to use the service."

It might make proceedings slightly less comfortable.

Good.


Talking of governance... where has the Work Programme gone?

There is another curiosity in this pack.

The Board is being asked to approve its 2026/27 Work Programme.

The report says this appears at Appendix C.

Appendix A appears.

Appendix B appears.

Then we arrive at page 22:

“This page is intentionally left blank.”

And the next agenda item begins on page 23.

Unless the Work Programme has developed an exciting new stealth capability, Appendix C appears to be missing from the published pack.

Perhaps there is an innocent administrative explanation.

But the Work Programme is rather important.

It's supposed to tell members — and residents — what this statutory Board intends looking at during the year.

When Sandwell has major problems involving infant mortality, obesity, premature mortality, vaccination, TB and other health inequalities, I would quite like to know when the Board intends returning to them.

You can't scrutinise progress if nobody knows when progress is coming back.


Maternity — this is serious, so concentrate on what is serious

The maternity report deserves proper attention.

There have been serious concerns around patient safety, staffing, leadership, escalation of care, culture and reports of racism and discrimination.

My position is quite straightforward.

Where there is genuine evidence of racist behaviour or discriminatory treatment, investigate it thoroughly and deal with it.

If somebody received poorer treatment because of their race, if discriminatory behaviour affected clinical decisions, or if prejudice contributed to unsafe care, then that is serious.

No argument from me.

But I am far less interested in public organisations disappearing down the rabbit hole where every badly chosen word, disagreement, unpopular opinion or somebody feeling offended automatically becomes a major equality incident.

Racism is serious precisely because racism is serious.

It shouldn't be diluted until it simply means "somebody said something I didn't like".

Concentrate on the evidence.

Was there discriminatory treatment?

Was patient safety compromised?

Were complaints ignored?

Did women receive unequal standards of care?

Were concerns escalated properly?

Were staffing and leadership adequate?

What happened to mothers and babies?

Those are questions worth answering.

And Sandwell's infant mortality rate of 7.4 per 1,000 births compared with 4.2 nationally means there is already plenty of serious work requiring attention.

This is not an area for box-ticking.

Nor should "received for information" become the end of the Health and Wellbeing Board's interest.


Air quality — pollution matters, but don't confuse it with the Net Zero religion

The Air Quality Annual Status Report is another area where I think the debate needs separating into two very different things.

Sandwell has recorded four consecutive years meeting the statutory annual nitrogen dioxide — NO₂ — objective.

If that continues, the borough-wide Air Quality Management Area could potentially be revoked.

Good.

That is something worth welcoming.

But this doesn't mean air pollution has disappeared.

The report still identifies PM2.5 fine particulate pollution as a significant public-health issue.

And this is where my position differs from the fashionable Net Zero narrative.

I am not persuaded by policies which treat carbon dioxide as though it is simply another form of filthy local air pollution and then attach almost anything to the banner of "clean air" or "climate action".

The climate-policy argument around CO₂ is one debate.

Actual local pollutants affecting people's health are another.

I am concerned about:

PM2.5.

PM10.

Nitrogen dioxide.

And other harmful pollutants from combustion, traffic and industry.

Those are things we should properly monitor.

Find the hotspots.

Understand where the pollution comes from.

Publish the results.

Understand the effects upon health.

Then take sensible and proportionate action.

But please don't tell me that because I don't want children breathing fine particulate pollution beside a busy road I must therefore support every anti-car scheme, traffic restriction and Net Zero policy somebody has attached to it.

That's quite a leap.

Clean-air policy should concentrate on making the air cleaner.

Not bad for a revolutionary idea.


Mental health — there is some good work here

I don't want this blog to become "everything is rubbish", because it isn't.

There is mental-health work in these papers that appears genuinely worthwhile.

Targeted work has been undertaken with men, carers, Eastern European communities, faith groups and others.

There is suicide-prevention work.

There are community-based programmes.

And Talking Therapies Plus reports 1,058 referrals, 824 people entering treatment and a 74% recovery rate using nationally recognised clinical outcome measures.

Now that is useful information.

It tells us more than simply how many leaflets were distributed or how many people "engaged".

It begins to answer the question:

Did the intervention work?

That's the direction I would like every major initiative to take.


A Board or a mutual-appreciation society?

And that brings me back to my biggest concern.

Partnership working is essential in health and social care.

But there's an inherent risk when nearly everybody around the table is part of the same partnership system.

One organisation presents its work.

Another organisation praises it.

Somebody thanks the officers.

Somebody else praises the partnership.

The Chair congratulates everyone involved.

The report is noted.

Repeat.

And before you know it, the Health and Wellbeing Board risks becoming a mutual-appreciation society with minutes.

Somebody has to ask the difficult questions.

That is particularly important for the elected councillors sitting on this Board.

Councillors should not merely become another part of the health bureaucracy.

They have a democratic mandate.

If the figures look bad, challenge them.

If targets have been missed, ask why.

If an initiative hasn't delivered, say so.

If somebody says a project is a success, ask them to demonstrate it.

If £1 million has been spent, ask what taxpayers received for the £1 million.

And if the answer involves a twelve-minute explanation featuring "strategic alignment", "stakeholder engagement", "system transformation" and "journey to maturity" but somehow never includes an actual measurable result...

ask the question again.


I want the Board to succeed

That is the important point.

I support much of what the Health and Wellbeing Board is supposed to achieve.

Better coordination between health and social care.

Supporting people to remain independent.

Earlier intervention.

Better mental-health services.

Improved maternity safety.

Reducing genuine health inequalities.

Cleaner air.

Services closer to communities.

All good.

But Sandwell does not need another body which measures success by the thickness of its report pack.

It needs a Health and Wellbeing Board prepared to scrutinise whether all these plans and all this spending are actually improving people's lives.

Less self-congratulation.

Less jargon.

Fewer reports simply “noted”.

More measurable outcomes.

More accountability.

More challenge.

And considerably more opportunity for actual residents — including those of us with plenty of this much-celebrated “lived experience” — to contribute.

Because with poor health outcomes continuing across Sandwell and £76 million passing through the Better Care Fund alone, residents have every right to ask:

Where are the outcomes?

Where is the accountability?

And where is our voice?


Meeting details

📅 Wednesday 2 September 2026
🕠 5.30pm
📍 Council Chamber, Sandwell Council House, Oldbury

📄 Read the agenda and reports:
Health and Wellbeing Board – Agenda and Documents

📺 Watch live online:
Health and Wellbeing Board – Sandwell Council webcast


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #HealthAndWellbeing #NHS #PublicHealth #BetterCareFund #HealthInequalities #AirQuality #Maternity #Accountability #ResidentVoice #SandwellInsight

100 Days of Reform in Sandwell: The Clock Is Already Ticking

  100 Days of Reform in Sandwell: The Clock Is Already Ticking Let me make one thing clear. I want Reform to succeed in Sandwell. After deca...