Showing posts with label Sandwell. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Sandwell. Show all posts

Monday, 17 August 2026

Sandwell SEND: The Alarm Bells Have Been Ringing – Our Children Cannot Wait for the System to Catch Up

Sandwell SEND: The Alarm Bells Have Been Ringing – Our Children Cannot Wait for the System to Catch Up

A longer read again I'm afraid – but when we are talking about children with special educational needs and disabilities, their families and their futures, I make absolutely no apology for that. Put the kettle on. You may need the big mug.

I've started taking a much deeper look at Special Educational Needs and Disabilities – SEND – provision across Sandwell, and already there are some very serious questions that need answering.

This isn't about having a cheap pop at an individual councillor, teacher, school, parent, council officer or political party.

And it certainly isn't about pretending that the national SEND system isn't under enormous pressure too. It is. Across England, the number of pupils with Education, Health and Care Plans continues to rise substantially. In January 2026 there were around 538,500 pupils with EHCPs in English schools, an increase of 11.6% in a year.

But national pressures don't absolve Sandwell of responsibility for Sandwell's children.

And the more I've looked, the more I think we need a substantial, forensic investigation into whether the borough actually has the school places, specialist facilities, EHCP capacity, transport, respite, activities, health provision and forward planning necessary to cope with what is coming.

Because what is coming isn't a surprise.

The numbers are going up – dramatically

Sandwell Council itself says demand for SEND support is increasing rapidly.

Requests for EHC needs assessments have risen from 415 in 2019 to 993 in 2025.

That's an increase of around 139%.

Not a little statistical wobble.

Not a temporary blip.

A fundamental change in demand.

And Sandwell's July 2026 SEND Sufficiency Strategy says there are currently 4,064 children and young people with an EHCP, with that number forecast to reach 7,750 by 2029 and more than 10,700 by 2031.

Just stop and consider that.

If that forecast proves broadly correct, we're not talking about tweaking the existing system around the edges.

We're talking about needing substantially greater capacity across education, health, social care, transport and family support.

Which brings me to the obvious question:

Are we building that capacity quickly enough?

At the moment, I'm far from convinced.

Sandwell already admits it hasn't got enough specialist places

This isn't me making an allegation.

The council's own July 2026 figures say Sandwell currently has around 1,013 special-school places.

It estimates that it will need 1,163 by September 2027.

And when independent specialist provision is included, overall specialist placement demand is expected to reach around 1,440 by 2027.

Now, before somebody reaches for their calculator and announces a straightforward 427-place shortage, it isn't quite that simple.

The 1,013 and 1,440 figures aren't directly like-for-like because the latter includes independent provision.

That's precisely why we need the detailed figures.

How many places do we actually have?

How many are occupied?

What type of SEND do they cater for?

Where are they?

How many additional places are definitely funded?

When will they open?

How many children are currently being sent elsewhere?

And how many children are effectively waiting for the system to catch up with them?

Those are the numbers that matter.

Ofsted was warning about this in 2023

This is where the investigation becomes particularly important.

Some of these problems weren't discovered last Tuesday.

In July 2023, Ofsted and the Care Quality Commission inspected Sandwell's local SEND partnership.

Inspectors recognised positive work and said children and young people with SEND were valued in Sandwell.

That should be acknowledged.

But they also identified some very significant weaknesses.

Parents reported that securing a special-school place could be a struggle. Inspectors said there were children remaining in mainstream schools on reduced timetables, or attending alternative provision for long periods, while waiting for a special-school place.

Think about the human meaning behind that bureaucratic language.

A child doesn't stop needing an education because the appropriate school place isn't ready yet.

A parent doesn't suddenly acquire another six hours in the day because their child is only attending school part-time.

And teachers in mainstream schools cannot magically manufacture specialist facilities, expertise and staffing from the contents of the stationery cupboard.

The inspectors also noted reliance on provision outside Sandwell.

So the question isn't simply:

"What is the council doing now?"

It's also:

"What did Sandwell know in 2023, what did it promise to do about it, what was actually delivered, and why are some of the same problems still appearing in council strategies three years later?"

The EHCP figures are worrying

Then we come to Education, Health and Care Plans themselves.

Sandwell's 2025/26 corporate performance figures show only 24.64% of EHCPs were completed within 20 weeks across the year.

By Quarter 4, that figure had fallen to just 12.52%.

The reported annual average assessment time was 46.42 weeks, compared with the 20-week measure.

Nationally, 46.1% of new EHC plans issued during 2025 were completed within the 20-week statutory timeframe, excluding applicable exceptions.

So this isn't something we should shrug at and say:

"Well, SEND is difficult everywhere."

It is difficult everywhere.

But the question is still whether Sandwell's performance is good enough.

If a child needs specialist support, 46 weeks is an enormous chunk of their school year.

For a five-year-old, it's a substantial portion of their entire life.

And rather than simply shouting "EHCP backlog", I want to know where the delay actually occurs.

Is it educational psychology?

Health assessments?

Social-care information?

School reports?

Decision panels?

Placement consultations?

Plan drafting?

Staffing?

Administration?

Because until we know where those weeks are disappearing, we aren't actually diagnosing the problem.

We're just counting it.

Then there's an extraordinary discrepancy in Sandwell's own figures

Here's something else that caught my eye.

On 21 July 2026, Sandwell Council said there were 4,064 children and young people with EHCPs.

The following day, in another council announcement about more than £2.5 million of SEND investment, the council gave a figure of 5,156 EHCPs.

That's a difference of 1,092.

I am not suggesting anything sinister here.

There may be a perfectly mundane explanation – perhaps different reporting dates, age cohorts or definitions.

But when you're planning schools, transport, staffing and services for thousands of vulnerable children, you'd hope everybody was at least using the same calculator.

So I've marked that figure as unresolved in my investigation rather than cherry-picking whichever one looks more dramatic.

The council should simply explain the difference.

Credit where it's due – investment is happening

It would be wrong to write this as though Sandwell is doing absolutely nothing.

It isn't.

The council approved a new SEND Sufficiency Strategy in July and has announced more than £2.5 million of investment, including work at Grace Mary Primary School, King George V Primary School and studies into creating further specialist SEND places.

That's welcome.

If it creates appropriate local places for children who would otherwise travel miles each day, even better.

But here's the important distinction:

announcing money is not the same as creating capacity.

Some of that funding relates to studies and preparatory work.

So for every announcement I think residents should be able to see:

How many additional SEND places does it create?

What needs will they support?

When will they open?

How many staff will be required?

Is the ongoing revenue funding secured?

And how many children currently travelling outside Sandwell will eventually be able to attend closer to home?

That's how we measure success.

Not by counting press releases.

Transport is part of the same problem

SEND transport is another area I'm going to investigate closely.

Because these issues feed directly into one another.

If Sandwell doesn't have the appropriate provision locally, children travel further.

When children travel further, transport becomes more complicated.

More complicated transport costs more money.

Longer journeys can place additional strain on children.

And families can find schools and services increasingly distant from their own communities.

Sandwell's SEND home-to-school transport expenditure was around £18 million in 2024/25, according to council scrutiny material.

Council evidence has also said that out-of-borough arrangements can, on average, be around 25% more expensive when provision and transport are considered together.

This is therefore about both children's wellbeing and taxpayers' money.

There is another question worth examining.

In its 2023 report, Ofsted recorded a partnership commitment that children and young people should not have to travel for more than 50 minutes to reach education or training.

The council's later transport policy uses different journey-time expectations, including up to 75 minutes each way for secondary pupils.

If those policies or commitments have changed, fine.

Explain why.

Because 75 minutes there and 75 minutes back can mean a child spending two and a half hours every school day travelling.

For some SEND children, that isn't just inconvenient.

It can be exhausting, distressing or extremely difficult to manage.

The investigation therefore needs actual journey-time data – not just a pleasant-looking average.

How many children travel more than 45 minutes?

More than 50?

More than an hour?

More than 75 minutes?

What's the longest journey?

How many require passenger assistants?

How many journeys are late, cancelled or changed?

How many appeals and complaints are being made?

One Sandwell school-transport case was upheld by the Local Government and Social Care Ombudsman in September 2024 after faults were found in the council's handling of transport and the appeal. That one case does not prove systemic failure – but it does show why processes deserve examination.

SEND isn't only about school

There's another aspect which I worry gets forgotten whenever politicians talk about SEND.

Children don't cease being disabled when the school bell rings.

Families need:

activities, clubs, respite, short breaks, holiday provision and opportunities to socialise.

And Ofsted/CQC were quite clear about this in 2023.

They found there was not enough short-break capacity in Sandwell.

Summer holiday schemes could fill quickly on a first-come-first-served basis, leaving some children with nothing.

The range was particularly limited for children with complex needs and post-16 young people, with inspectors saying this contributed to some families feeling isolated.

That's significant.

Sandwell subsequently included commitments in its 2023–2026 Inclusion Plan to analyse waiting lists and unmet need and to improve the range of universal, targeted and specialist short-break opportunities.

So now, in 2026, we need to ask:

Did that happen?

Not:

"Is there a webpage listing some clubs?"

There is.

That's not the same thing.

We need to know capacity versus demand.

How many children need places?

How many get them?

How many are waiting?

How long?

What's available during school holidays?

What exists for children requiring 1:1 or 2:1 support?

What happens after they turn 16?

What respite exists for exhausted parents and carers?

And is provision reasonably available across all six towns of Sandwell, or does geography determine your chances?

Health has to be part of the investigation too

Ofsted and CQC specifically called for stronger working between education, health and social care so that children's needs could be identified and assessed more efficiently and promptly.

So I don't intend looking at this solely as a council education issue.

We need to consider:

community paediatrics;

speech and language therapy;

occupational therapy;

physiotherapy;

autism and ADHD assessment pathways;

mental-health support where applicable;

and the time taken for health professionals to provide statutory advice during EHCP assessments.

You cannot have an effective Education, Health and Care Plan system if one of those three words is operating on another planet.

And then there is the money

There is clearly a huge financial challenge here.

But there is also a danger of looking at SEND expenditure in separate little departmental boxes.

A shortage of local specialist places can mean expensive independent placements.

Those placements may be outside Sandwell.

That then generates additional transport costs.

Meanwhile pressure on the High Needs budget increases.

Which can reduce the money available to invest in local capacity.

Round and round we go.

It can become the municipal equivalent of paying £5 every day to avoid buying something for £50.

Sometimes external placements are absolutely the right option for an individual child.

The investigation must never start from the assumption that every child should be hauled back across the Sandwell boundary simply to save money.

The right placement must come first.

But where appropriate provision could be delivered locally, there are obvious educational, social and financial reasons for doing so.

This isn't going to become a party-political blame game

There's something else worth making clear.

Some of the problems identified here significantly predate the current Reform administration which took control of Sandwell Council in May 2026.

The Ofsted/CQC findings date from 2023.

The Inclusion Plan was produced under the previous Labour administration.

So it would be ridiculous to pretend everything currently wrong with SEND suddenly materialised after the May elections.

It didn't.

But equally, the new administration now owns the responsibility for what happens next.

You don't get to inherit the council chamber without inheriting the filing cabinets.

The present leadership should therefore be judged on whether it gets to grips with the problem, publishes meaningful information, listens to families and accelerates the provision Sandwell clearly needs.

Where it succeeds, I'll say so.

Where it doesn't, I'll say that too.

That's what being a critical friend is supposed to mean.

I've now started a Sandwell SEND Master Investigation

I've created a Sandwell SEND Master Foundation Document so this doesn't become another issue where important pieces of evidence vanish down assorted Facebook threads, committee papers and council webpages.

The investigation will track:

- growth in SEND and EHCP demand;
- EHCP waiting times and delays;
- special-school and resource-base capacity;
- out-of-borough placements;
- children on reduced timetables;
- alternative provision;
- SEND school transport;
- journey times;
- short breaks and respite;
- activities and holiday provision;
- post-16 provision;
- health and therapy capacity;
- High Needs funding;
- council capital investment;
- Ofsted/CQC recommendations;
- and, most importantly, promise versus delivery.

I will also be looking for information from parents, carers, teachers, support staff, SEND professionals and young people themselves.

Because statistics can tell us how many.

They don't always tell us what it feels like.

What I want Sandwell to demonstrate

I don't want another glossy strategy telling me that everybody is committed to "working together", "putting children at the heart of services" and "delivering positive outcomes".

Those phrases have been polished so often in local government they're probably visible from space.

Show us the numbers.

Show us the places.

Show us the waiting lists.

Show us the journey times.

Show us the short-break capacity.

Show us what was promised after the 2023 inspection.

Show us what was completed.

Show us what wasn't.

And if something failed – tell us why.

That's transparency.

Because behind every spreadsheet cell is a child

This is ultimately what matters.

An EHCP delayed for months isn't merely a red performance indicator.

It's a child potentially waiting for support.

A shortage of specialist places isn't merely an estates problem.

It's a family wondering where their child will be educated.

A 70-minute transport journey isn't merely a route optimisation exercise.

It's a child sitting in a vehicle before and after an already demanding school day.

A full holiday scheme isn't simply "100% utilisation".

It may mean an exhausted parent being told there is no respite place available.

That's why this deserves much more scrutiny.

And it will get it.

The SEND pressures facing Sandwell are substantial, they're growing, and much of this was foreseeable.

The question now is whether Sandwell's provision is growing quickly enough to meet them.

Based on what I've seen so far, there are some encouraging signs of investment.

There are also some very large warning lights flashing on the dashboard.

And I'm going to keep looking.



#Sandwell #SEND #SandwellSEND #SpecialEducationalNeeds #EHCP #Education #SENDChildren #SENDFamilies #AdditionalNeeds #SpecialEducation #SchoolPlaces #SENDTransport #ShortBreaks #RespiteCare #SandwellSchools #SandwellCouncil #LocalGovernment #EducationMatters #ChildrenAndYoungPeople #CriticalFriend #Accountability #Transparency #WestBromwich #Wednesbury #Oldbury #Smethwick #Tipton #RowleyRegis
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Saturday, 15 August 2026

Pride in Place, Power in a Subgroup? Smethwick’s £20 Million Question


Pride in Place, Power in a Subgroup? Smethwick’s £20 Million Question

A very long read about community power, public money, three-person subgroups, disappearing distinctions between “approve” and “note”, and why the paperwork matters

LONG READ WARNING: This is not a three-paragraph Facebook rant.

This one involves Government guidance, Sandwell Council reports, Partnership Board minutes, Internal Audit, grant applications, delegations, boundaries, £592,000 of first-year funding and ultimately a programme worth up to £20 million over ten years.

So put the kettle on.

Make a sandwich.

Possibly inform your next of kin.

If you reach the end without once shouting “but who actually makes the decision?” at the screen, you have considerably greater tolerance for local-government governance documents than I do.

---

First, a very important ground rule

Before getting into this, I want to make something absolutely clear.

I have no special access to Sandwell Council.

I don't sit on the Smethwick Partnership Board.

I don't attend its private meetings.

I don't receive its confidential papers.

I don't know what advice may have been provided privately by lawyers, Internal Audit, the Monitoring Officer, the Section 151 Officer or the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government.

I see what everybody else sees.

The public record.

And that is exactly the record I am examining here.

If there is an unpublished document which answers one of the questions raised below, wonderful.

Publish it.

If there is an approved Scheme of Delegation which explains everything, even better.

Publish that too.

But we cannot reasonably be expected to fill gaps in the public record by imagining that somewhere, in an office cupboard guarded by a particularly fierce stapler, sits a piece of paper which makes everything alright.

Nor should we assume the opposite.

So this article distinguishes carefully between:

what the documents prove; what they suggest; what deserves explanation; and what is not proven at all.

That isn't being awkward.

It's called scrutiny.

---

What Pride in Place is supposed to be

The Government describes Pride in Place as a programme designed to transfer meaningful influence to local communities.

Smethwick can receive up to £20 million of funding and support over ten years. Nationally, the whole point is that local people help determine priorities rather than everything being decided from Whitehall or the council house. The Government prospectus says Neighbourhood Boards made up of local people are to decide how the money is invested.

The current Smethwick website says something equally encouraging:

«the programme puts power “in our hands as a community” and is designed so people who live and work in Smethwick lead the setting of priorities and shaping of projects.»

Excellent.

I support that.

But once you use phrases like community-led, local control and public money, some awkward questions inevitably follow.

Who actually controls it?

Who makes the decisions?

Who can vote?

Who can overrule whom?

Where are those decisions recorded?

Can residents scrutinise them?

And, above all:

does the machinery underneath the slogan match what the slogan promises?

That is where this gets interesting.

---

Some good news first — because this isn't a demolition job

There is quite a bit about Smethwick's programme which appears sensible.

There is an established Partnership Board with representatives from business, community organisations, faith organisations, education, policing, the local MP, councillors and other bodies. The August agenda identifies Alan Taylor as Chair and lists a broad membership.

Government requires a Neighbourhood Board to have at least eight members, with at least 51% living or working within the neighbourhood, an independent Chair, the local MP and at least one councillor. It also expects broad community representation.

Smethwick's own governance documents build that 51% requirement into the structure.

Can I independently prove from the published information that 51% of the current individuals actually live or work inside the defined area?

No.

Their home and employment circumstances are not all publicly evidenced in sufficient detail.

That does not mean the requirement is being breached.

It means the public record doesn't allow me independently to verify it.

There's a difference.

Likewise, Smethwick undertook substantial community engagement before its Regeneration Plan was approved by Government.

So this article is not going to claim the programme sprang fully formed from a committee room while residents were kept in a cupboard.

It didn't.

There was genuine engagement.

The harder question is what happens now, when consultation turns into decisions and money begins to move.

Government guidance is clear that community involvement isn't supposed to end when somebody publishes a consultation report.

It expects engagement to be deep, broad, sustained and ongoing, and says Boards must go back to communities, explain what has happened, show how priorities have been considered and create space for people to hold the Board to account and scrutinise delivery.

That is the test we now need to apply.

---

The first-year money

For 2026/27, Smethwick has £592,000 available.

That consists of:

£92,000 ring-fenced for smaller “quick win” projects identified through the earlier engagement work, and £500,000 through the main grant application process offering grants of between £500 and £25,000. The £500,000 itself is split £268,000 capital and £232,000 revenue.

So when we talk below about the £500,000 pot, that is the main Year One application fund, not the entire Year One Pride in Place allocation.

Accuracy matters.

Especially when one is about to criticise other people's accuracy.

---

Now we arrive at the £20 million question

Government's March 2026 Delivery Guidance contains a remarkably straightforward sentence:

«“Neighbourhood Boards are the decision makers for funding.”»

It goes further.

The Board gives local people the power to decide how funding is spent.

All Board members have an equal right to vote on Board issues.

And Government describes any subgroups as “advisory sub-groups” supporting the Board's function.

There is not much mist on that particular window.

So now compare that with Smethwick.

---

Sandwell's own website says the Board decides

Today, Sandwell's public Smethwick Pride in Place website has a page helpfully entitled:

“Who decides what gets funded?”

Excellent question.

Its answer is:

«“Funding decisions are made by the Smethwick Partnership Board.”»

Simple.

Clear.

Residents reading the website could reasonably conclude that the Partnership Board makes the funding decisions.

Hold that thought.

---

Sandwell Cabinet paperwork also points to the Partnership Board

There is another important piece of the public paper trail.

A Sandwell Cabinet report for 15 July 2026 recommended that Cabinet delegate authority to the Smethwick Partnership Board to approve grant allocations for the Pride in Place programme.

It said this was intended to enable timely and compliant administration and described delegation of grant administration and distribution to the relevant Partnership Boards.

I am deliberately precise here.

That is what the Cabinet report recommended.

I am not using that report alone to assert the precise final legal effect of the Cabinet decision without its resulting decision record in front of me.

But it is another public document describing the intended decision-maker as the Partnership Board.

So far we have:

Government: Board decides.

Sandwell website: Board decides.

Cabinet report: delegate approval to Partnership Board.

Quite straightforward.

Then we reach 23 July.

---

Internal Audit enters the room

The published minutes of the Smethwick Partnership Board meeting on 23 July record something rather important.

Internal Audit had apparently identified ambiguity over whether the Funding Subgroup or the Partnership Board was responsible for grant decisions.

That is worth pausing over.

We're not talking about a blogger spotting a misplaced comma.

Sandwell's own Internal Audit had identified ambiguity over who actually makes decisions about public grant funding.

Members discussed whether grants should go to the full Board for approval.

The eventual published decision was:

«“The subgroup will approve grant award decisions, and those decisions will be reported to the Board for noting.”»

Ah.

Now we have something rather different.

The Partnership Board is no longer apparently approving ordinary grants.

The Funding Subgroup approves them.

The full Board notes them.

---

“Noting” — the great local-government word

For readers who don't spend their leisure time reading council minutes — congratulations on your excellent life choices — “noting” generally means acknowledging information rather than making the decision itself.

If your spouse announces:

“I've bought a 38-foot yacht and named it Municipal Governance,”

and you reply:

“Noted,”

you have not approved the purchase.

You have been informed of the catastrophe.

And that distinction matters when we are talking about who decides where public money goes.

---

It gets clearer in August — sort of

The papers for the forthcoming 20 August meeting say the full application stage will be scored by an Independent Scoring Panel and approved by the Funding Subgroup.

The proposed Dispute Resolution Policy says that the Funding Subgroup reviews the scoring report and recommendations under delegated authority.

And how many members are required to make funding decisions?

Three.

A minimum of three Subgroup members can make the funding decision.

The Subgroup formally approves or rejects the proposed funding allocations.

The ordinary outcome is then taken to the full Partnership Board for noting.

So we now have a rather splendid governance sandwich:

Government: Neighbourhood Board decides.

Sandwell website: Partnership Board decides.

Cabinet report: proposed delegation to Partnership Board.

July minutes/August process: Funding Subgroup decides; Board normally notes.

That needs explaining.

---

Is that definitely unlawful?

No.

And I am not going to pretend otherwise.

There may be an approved Scheme of Delegation.

There may be MHCLG advice accepting the arrangement.

There may be Monitoring Officer, Section 151 or legal advice explaining exactly how a delegated Subgroup decision remains, in governance terms, a decision of the Board.

I haven't seen those documents.

That is why the right question is not:

“Who has broken the law?”

The right question is:

How does this arrangement comply with Government guidance which says the Neighbourhood Board is the funding decision-maker, particularly where ordinary awards can apparently be determined by a Subgroup quorum of three and merely noted by the full Board?

If there is a simple answer, let's have it.

And please publish the Pride in Place Scheme of Delegation while you're at it.

That document should settle an awful lot.

---

And who are the three?

This brings us to the Subgroup itself.

The public August report tells us the Subgroup met on 31 July and says members declared actual, potential or perceived conflicts of interest, which were managed appropriately.

Good.

But if this Subgroup is actually making the ordinary funding decisions, I would expect a particularly strong public audit trail.

Who are all the members?

Who attended on 31 July?

Who declared what interest?

Who withdrew from which discussion?

Who voted?

What was the vote?

Where is the Subgroup's formal decision log?

Perhaps all this exists somewhere.

Again, I can only work from what the public can see.

And Government's transparency requirements are not particularly shy.

Neighbourhood Boards are expected to publish governance arrangements, meeting minutes and decision logs, a documented decision-making process and voting rights, Board papers within five working days, draft minutes within ten working days, final minutes, conflicts of interest and transparent records of all Pride in Place spending. The default position should be that papers are open to the public.

That is quite a standard.

So if a three-person quorum is making ordinary grant decisions, “trust us, conflicts were managed appropriately” is reassuring.

But showing us the governance trail is better.

---

A meeting about community control which the community cannot attend

The front page of the August agenda contains another wonderfully awkward juxtaposition.

The Smethwick Partnership Board oversees a programme designed around community control.

And:

«“This meeting of the Smethwick Partnership Board is not open to the public and press.”»

Now, before anyone leaps for the legal stationery cupboard, I have not found anything in the national Pride in Place guidance saying every physical Board meeting must itself be open to the public.

So I am not claiming the closed meeting is a proven breach of the national rules.

But Government does require transparency and explicitly says Boards must create space for communities to hold them to account and scrutinise how plans are being put into practice.

So perhaps the better question is:

Even if closing the meetings is permitted, is it really the best expression of a programme whose entire philosophy is community control?

“Welcome to your community-led programme. Kindly remain outside.”

It does rather write its own satire.

---

And there may be a publication-timing question too

The August agenda is dated for a meeting on Thursday 20 August and gives a stated despatch date of 14 August.

Government says Board papers should be published within five working days in advance of the meeting.

Smethwick's own governance arrangements have also referred to five clear working days.

On the face of the dates printed on the document, the period between 14 and 20 August appears rather tight.

I am not declaring a breach because the papers may have been published electronically at a different point or there may be a particular interpretation of the timetable.

But it is another perfectly reasonable question:

When precisely was the public pack published, and did it meet the five-working-day requirement?

Small point?

Perhaps.

But transparency requirements aren't supposed to become optional because everybody is busy.

---

Now to the applications

By 12 August, 109 organisations had contacted the Neighbourhood Development Officer.

That sounds impressive.

The breakdown is rather more informative.

Fifty were general enquiries.

Fifty-four were initial idea discussions.

Three were recorded as help developing a project.

Two involved support completing an Expression of Interest.

None were recorded as help developing or completing a full application at that point.

Again, that doesn't mean support doesn't exist.

Sandwell does provide guidance and an NDO support process.

But it raises an important Pride in Place question.

Government wants communities to develop capacity and specifically warns against decision-making becoming dominated by people with the loudest voices or those already best equipped to navigate official processes. It expects outreach to groups who may struggle with conventional engagement.

A professionally staffed charity with funding experience is going to find a grant application rather less daunting than three neighbours with a good idea, a Facebook group and somebody's kitchen table.

Community empowerment cannot simply mean:

“Here is a form. May the best constitution win.”

---

Thirty-two EOIs became twenty-eight

The first funding round produced 32 Expressions of Interest.

Four were not reviewed because those applicants had not undertaken the required pre-application discussion with the Neighbourhood Development Officer.

Twenty-eight were therefore reviewed by the Funding Subgroup.

And that is where the boundary issue arrives.

---

The boundary — and another change in tone

At the 23 July Partnership Board meeting, published minutes show members discussing organisations close to the Smethwick boundary.

The recorded approach was relatively flexible: applications demonstrating clear benefit for Smethwick residents could be considered on a case-by-case basis.

Then, on 31 July, the Funding Subgroup faced significant demand.

The August report states that the Subgroup agreed only to accept EOIs from organisations formally registered within Smethwick during that round.

All applicants were subsequently informed that Smethwick-registered organisations were being prioritised.

The current Sandwell website now explicitly says applicants to the Year One £500–£25,000 programme must be organisations based in the Smethwick Pride in Place investment boundary area.

So did the rules change after launch?

I don't know.

And neither should anyone responsibly claim to know until we see the exact guidance that was live on 1 July.

That is important.

The launch announcement itself spoke about organisations working for the benefit of Smethwick communities, but the full guidance linked from it may already have contained the registered-address restriction.

We need the original 1 July documents and ideally their revision history.

Until then the factual position is:

the Board discussed case-by-case flexibility on 23 July;

the Subgroup applied a much firmer registered-location approach on 31 July;

and today's website contains that strict eligibility requirement.

That chronology deserves an explanation.

Nothing more dramatic needs to be invented.

---

Government itself is actually more flexible

Here is where the national guidance becomes particularly interesting.

MHCLG says Pride in Place money is principally for the benefit of residents within the agreed area.

Perfectly reasonable.

But it also expressly says a Board may decide that the best way to serve residents inside the boundary is to invest in an asset technically outside it.

Indeed the guidance says there are no restrictions on funding being spent outside the area, provided the decision is first and foremost based on the needs and aspirations of residents in the Pride in Place area and has proper Board/community rationale.

In other words, the strict “your organisation must be based inside the line” approach is a local grant-scheme choice, not something Westminster forced upon Smethwick.

Again, local schemes can impose tighter criteria.

But let's not confuse local choices with national requirements.

---

The 80-metre problem

One application demonstrates this rather neatly.

4 Community Trust was reported as being approximately 80 metres outside the investment boundary.

Its proposal was considered to meet the eligibility and project criteria in other respects, but it did not progress because the organisation was outside the boundary.

The Subgroup referred to consistency and transparency.

Eighty metres.

In local-government terms, presumably that's practically France.

I am not arguing that this particular applicant should receive money.

I am arguing that if Pride in Place is fundamentally about who benefits, the public deserves to understand why an organisation's administrative location became decisive even where the national programme itself allows investment beyond the boundary when residents inside it are the principal beneficiaries.

---

Fourteen in, fourteen out

The eventual Round One picture is striking.

Of the 28 EOIs reviewed:

14 were from Smethwick and all 14 progressed.

6 were from elsewhere in Sandwell and none progressed.

8 were from outside Sandwell and none progressed.

That does not prove anything improper.

It does show exactly how powerful the geographical filter became.

Once you passed the location test, every one of the 14 Smethwick EOIs advanced to the full application stage.

---

And Smethwick ward itself got zero

The distribution among those 14 is also worth recording.

St Paul's: 9

Soho and Victoria: 4

Bearwood: 1

Smethwick ward: 0.

There were, however, organisations from Smethwick ward contacting the NDO.

So this is not evidence that nobody there was interested.

Again, it proves no bias and no wrongdoing.

But a genuinely community-led programme should surely ask:

why did one whole ward produce no EOI progressing through this first batch?

Government specifically says community involvement shouldn't become dominated by those with the loudest voices and should reach groups who are commonly left out.

An application process measures who successfully navigates an application process.

That isn't always the same thing as measuring need.

---

Was the £500,000 already overwhelmed?

The 28 reviewed EOIs requested approximately:

£349,095 revenue

and

£216,515.90 capital

for a combined total of roughly £565,611.

So yes — on the face of those initial asks, demand exceeded the £500,000 main application pot by roughly £65,611.

But after applying the Smethwick-based filter, the 14 applications invited forward collectively sought approximately £260,627 based on the published figures.

That does not mean the Subgroup was wrong to manage demand.

There are more rounds.

Revenue and capital are separate.

Figures can change.

Money may need reserving.

But it does mean the public deserves a fuller explanation of how the financial pressure translated into the particular eligibility approach chosen.

If the answer is:

“We need to preserve sufficient funding for later rounds and maintain a balanced capital/revenue programme,”

fine.

Say so.

Numbers are wonderfully helpful things.

---

The Strategic Priority Override

The revised August Dispute Resolution Policy contains another intriguing device.

Applications will be independently scored.

If an application fails to reach the minimum assessment threshold, you might reasonably assume that is the end of matters.

Not necessarily.

A new Strategic Priority Override would allow the Funding Subgroup to recommend a below-threshold application if it believes the project addresses an important strategic priority not otherwise covered by higher-scoring applications.

The failed score, threshold, rationale, benefits, risks and mitigations must be documented, and the full Partnership Board would have to consider the exception rather than the Subgroup approving it alone.

Now, contrary to what some might expect, I don't think that is automatically a bad thing.

Pride in Place is meant to give communities discretion.

Sometimes a spreadsheet score will not perfectly capture strategic need.

The important word is:

exceptional.

If this provision is used, the public should see:

the failed score;

the threshold;

the strategic reason;

the declarations of interest;

the voting;

and the final justification.

No mystery.

No strategic fairy dust.

No “computer says no but committee says yes because reasons.”

Transparency is the safeguard.

---

The conflict-of-interest policy needs another look

The July minutes say Internal Audit recommended that Board and Subgroup members should not provide advice or support to applicants.

If approached, they should direct applicants to the Neighbourhood Development Officer and declare the contact.

That seems extremely sensible.

Yet the revised August Conflict of Interest Policy says:

«“Members can offer advise only...”»

before explaining that they may subsequently have to withdraw from discussion.

Firstly, advice, not advise.

Ten minutes in the naughty corner with an Oxford dictionary.

More importantly, which is it?

Members should not advise applicants?

Or:

Members may advise applicants and then declare it?

Those are materially different safeguards.

When the same people may be involved in deciding which organisations get public money, the wording should be crystal clear.

There is a meeting on 20 August specifically being asked to approve the revised policy.

I hope somebody asks the question before ticking the box.

---

Direct commissions: apparently best enjoyed verbally

The Board has also been progressing direct commissioned projects including benches, picnic tables, railings and related public-realm works.

Some of these appear to originate from earlier community engagement, which is a positive point.

But the August agenda once again provides only a verbal update on direct commissions.

Government, meanwhile, says Boards should publish transparent records of all Pride in Place spend.

Perhaps full costs, procurement routes and suppliers are published elsewhere.

If so, point residents to them.

But the public agenda itself does not provide the basic written audit trail I would expect:

How much?

Which supplier?

What procurement route?

What was bought?

What consultation supported it?

Who owns it?

Who maintains it?

It is difficult to scrutinise a verbal update to a meeting you aren't allowed into.

A small administrative conundrum.

---

Youth engagement — the Board itself admits there's more work to do

One area where the Board deserves credit is that members themselves recognised shortcomings in youth engagement.

The July minutes acknowledge limited Youth Forum attendance, difficulties with daytime participation, educational commitments, missed opportunities with schools and concern that existing participants might not represent a broad cross-section of Smethwick's young people.

The proposed solution — going out to places where young people already gather rather than expecting them to enter formal committee structures — makes sense.

Government expects exactly this sort of sustained outreach.

The test now is whether it happens.

Community engagement is not measured by the number of engagement plans produced.

It is measured by whether people previously missing from the room actually gain influence over what happens.

---

One more uncomfortable bit of wording

Smethwick's Terms of Reference have also contained provisions requiring Board members to promote the programme positively and refrain from negative statements or criticism.

Government's own social-media advice does indeed encourage communications to be positive, factual and professional.

Fair enough.

Nobody needs a Partnership Board member starting Facebook wars at two in the morning.

But Government also requires the programme to operate in an open, constructive and honest manner and explicitly expects community accountability and scrutiny.

There is therefore a difference between:

behaving professionally

and

being required not to criticise the programme.

A “critical friend” who is only permitted to say nice things isn't a critical friend.

It's a brochure.

---

This is not evidence of corruption

And this section is important.

Nothing I have seen establishes corruption.

Nothing establishes fraud.

Nothing establishes political favouritism.

Nothing establishes that a successful applicant has behaved improperly.

Nothing establishes that grant scoring has been manipulated.

Nothing establishes that somebody has secretly pocketed public money.

Nothing establishes that the Subgroup delegation is unlawful.

Nothing establishes that closed meetings breach national Pride in Place rules.

Nothing establishes that the eligibility criteria were definitely changed after applications opened.

Those are not claims I am making.

What the public documents do establish are contradictions, ambiguities and unanswered governance questions.

And public-money governance does not have to be corrupt before residents are entitled to ask whether it could be clearer.

---

The biggest contradiction remains remarkably simple

Strip away the acronyms.

Strip away the policy wording.

Strip away the terms like fiduciary risk, strategic priority exception, NDO contact tracker and delegated authority.

We are left with this:

Government says the Neighbourhood Board is the funding decision-maker.

Sandwell's website tells residents the Smethwick Partnership Board makes the funding decisions.

A July Cabinet report recommended delegating grant approval to the Smethwick Partnership Board.

The Partnership Board's July minutes say the Funding Subgroup will approve grants and the Board will merely note them.

The August policy says a Funding Subgroup quorum of three can make ordinary grant decisions.

That is the question.

Everything else is garnish.

---

What I would like answered on 20 August

Here is the short version — which, after everything above, is admittedly a relative concept.

1. Who legally/programmatically makes the £500–£25,000 Pride in Place grant decision: the Partnership Board or the Funding Subgroup?

2. How does Subgroup approval followed by Board “noting” comply with MHCLG guidance stating that Neighbourhood Boards are the decision-makers for funding?

3. Please publish the approved Pride in Place Scheme of Delegation.

4. Who currently sits on the Funding Subgroup, who attended on 31 July, what conflicts were declared, who withdrew and how were decisions voted upon?

5. Is there a public Funding Subgroup decision log?

6. What exact eligibility guidance was available to applicants on 1 July, and did it already require the organisation itself to be registered/based inside the Smethwick boundary?

7. If that rule already existed, why was case-by-case treatment of near-boundary organisations being discussed on 23 July?

8. Why did Smethwick choose a stricter geographical approach for this particular grant scheme when national guidance explicitly allows spending outside the boundary where that best benefits residents inside it?

9. Why did no Smethwick ward EOI progress in the first reviewed batch, and what engagement will now take place there?

10. Will every use of the Strategic Priority Override be published with the failed score and full justification?

11. Can Board/Subgroup members advise grant applicants or not? Please reconcile the August policy with the Internal Audit advice recorded in July.

12. Where can residents see the detailed expenditure and procurement trail for Pride in Place direct commissions?

13. Did the 20 August papers meet the five-working-day publication requirement?

14. What practical mechanism allows ordinary Smethwick residents — including those unaffiliated to established organisations — to hold the Partnership Board to account during delivery?

There.

Fourteen questions.

Considerably cheaper than a public inquiry.

---

Pride in Place deserves to succeed

And this is perhaps the most important point.

I want schemes like Pride in Place to work.

For too long, communities have watched enormous regeneration schemes descend from above, complete with glossy artist's impressions, consultant-speak and promises that somehow become less visible as soon as the launch photography is finished.

Giving residents real influence over local investment is a good idea.

Smethwick has genuine community organisations doing excellent work.

It has engaged residents.

It has a Government-approved plan.

It has officers identifying planning, procurement and value-for-money issues.

Internal Audit is clearly asking questions.

There are safeguards.

There are positive signs.

That is exactly why we should get the governance right now.

This is a ten-year programme.

The first grant round is not merely about a few applications.

It is setting precedents for how up to £20 million of community-focused investment will be overseen.

Get the transparency right in Year One and trust can grow.

Get it wrong and every future decision will be accompanied by suspicion which may have been entirely avoidable.

---

The public shouldn't need a detective badge

Residents should not have to read five different documents to work out who decides whether a grant gets approved.

The council website should match the governance documents.

The governance documents should match the Scheme of Delegation.

The Scheme of Delegation should match Government requirements.

The Subgroup's role should be obvious.

Conflicts should be visible.

Decisions should be traceable.

Expenditure should be published.

And if somebody asks a perfectly reasonable question about any of it, the response should not require translation from Advanced Municipal Hieroglyphics.

That is what transparency looks like.

---

Pride in Place?

Absolutely.

But perhaps we could have a little Pride in Process as well.

Because if this really is about putting power into the hands of Smethwick's communities, residents should be able to see precisely whose hands are actually on the controls.

And if the answer is completely straightforward, then publishing it should be the easiest decision the Board makes all year.

Long read over.

You may now collect your certificate, refill the kettle and rejoin normal society.

#Smethwick #Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #SmethwickPartnershipBoard #PrideInPlace #PlanForNeighbourhoods #CommunityFunding #CommunityGrants #PublicMoney #Transparency #Accountability #CouncilScrutiny #LocalDemocracy #LocalGovernment #CommunityEngagement #FundingSubgroup #InternalAudit #Regeneration #TownsFund #FollowTheMoney

Saturday, 9 May 2026

Sandwell 2026: The Red Wall Didn’t Crack — It Caved In


Sandwell 2026: The Red Wall Didn’t Crack — It Caved In

Well, there we have it.

After decades of Sandwell being treated like a Labour family heirloom, the voters finally found the off switch.

Reform UK has taken control of Sandwell Council.

Not chipped away at Labour.
Not given them a bloody nose.
Not sent a mild warning shot across the bows.

They took the council.

The final make-up is:

Reform UK – 41 seats
Labour – 28 seats
Green – 2 seats
Independent – 1 seat

That means Reform now controls Sandwell Council outright.

And that, whether people like it or not, is a political earthquake in a borough Labour once treated as its personal property.

Labour’s Sandwell Machine Has Broken

For years, Sandwell Labour operated as though the council chamber came with a red carpet already rolled out.

Low turnout? Fine.
Postal vote operation? Fine.
Bloc loyalty? Fine.
Same old names? Fine.
National slogans instead of local answers? Fine.
Weak scrutiny? Even better.

The machine kept grinding on.

But this time, the machine jammed.

Sandwell voters have not just whispered that they are fed up. They have shouted it through the ballot box.

The brutal truth is this: Labour took Sandwell for granted, and Sandwell finally noticed.

The “Absurdity of 3” Became Real

This election was unusual because it was an all-out election caused by boundary changes.

There were 24 wards, 72 seats, and voters had three votes in each ward.

That made the “Absurdity of 3” warning very real.

Use all three votes blindly for one party and you do not just elect a councillor — you can hand an entire ward to one political machine.

For years, Labour benefited from that kind of loyalty.

This time, Reform did.

In ward after ward, Reform voters appear to have used their three votes as a weapon. Labour’s vote either collapsed, split, or simply was not enough.

The result? Whole wards flipped in one go.

That is the danger of tribal voting. It may feel satisfying on polling day, but it can leave a council chamber dangerously tilted afterwards.

The lesson should not be “always vote Reform” any more than it should have been “always vote Labour”.

The lesson is this:

Use your votes carefully. Look at the candidates. Look at the record. Look at who actually speaks up for the community.

Reform Did Not Just Win — They Swept

Reform’s result was not a protest vote around the edges. It was a takeover.

They swept major wards across the borough, including Blackheath, Charlemont & Grove Vale, Cradley Heath & Old Hill, Friar Park & Stone Cross, Great Bridge, Hill Top, Langley, Princes End, Rowley and Wednesbury.

That is not a political hiccup.

That is a borough-wide rejection of the old order.

Some of these are areas where Labour should have expected to be competitive. Some were places where Labour should have been fighting hard. Instead, Reform walked away with all three seats.

And once those three-seat sweeps start stacking up, the arithmetic becomes brutal very quickly.

Labour Held On — But Only In Pockets

Labour has not vanished. Let’s be clear about that.

They still held important areas including Greets Green & Lyng, Oldbury, Smethwick, Soho & Victoria, St Paul’s and West Bromwich Central.

They also picked up seats in mixed wards.

So no, Labour is not dead in Sandwell.

But something worse has happened to them.

They are now beatable.

That psychological shift matters.

For years, Labour’s greatest weapon in Sandwell was inevitability. People assumed Labour would win, so opponents stayed home, voters disengaged, and the machine rolled on.

That spell has now been broken.

Once voters see that Labour can be beaten, the old fear disappears.

The Conservatives Were Nowhere

Let’s not ignore the other collapse.

The Conservatives ended up with zero seats.

Not a reduced group.
Not a smaller opposition.
Zero.

That is devastating.

Anti-Labour voters did not flock to the Conservatives. They did not see them as the vehicle for change. They went to Reform.

That tells us something very important about Sandwell politics.

The old Labour-versus-Conservative framework is dead here, at least for now.

The Conservatives were squeezed out, ignored, or simply seen as irrelevant by many voters looking to punish Labour.

Whatever Conservative candidates may have done locally, the brand was too heavy a weight to carry.

Tipton Green Shows Local Candidates Still Matter

One result that should not be lost in all the noise is Tipton Green.

Richard Jeffcoat, standing as an Independent, topped the poll.

That matters.

It proves that local candidates can still cut through, even in a nationalised election, even with Reform surging, and even with Labour fighting to hold ground.

But it also proves something else.

Being independent is not enough on its own.

You need a name.
You need a record.
You need community presence.
You need people to know why they are voting for you.

A vague “I’m not them” campaign will not do it.

Tipton Green shows that where a local candidate has credibility, people will still back the person over the party machine.

Bearwood Remains Different

Bearwood also stood apart.

The Greens won two seats there, with Labour taking the third.

That result tells its own story.

Bearwood is politically different from much of the borough. It is more open to Green politics, more plural, and less easily swept into a borough-wide Reform wave.

That does not make it better or worse. It simply shows that Sandwell is not one political blob.

Different communities voted in different ways, and anyone trying to understand this result properly needs to look ward by ward, not just at the headline.

Why Did Labour Collapse?

Labour will be tempted to blame national politics.

And yes, national politics mattered.

But that is not the whole story.

If Labour tells itself this was all about Westminster, it will learn absolutely nothing.

Sandwell Labour’s problem is local too.

People have seen years of council failure, governance concerns, intervention, weak accountability, internal cliques, arrogance, poor communication, questionable candidate selections, service frustrations, and the same old attitude of “we know best”.

Eventually, people get sick of it.

Reform benefited from national anger, yes.

But Labour created the local conditions that allowed that anger to explode.

You cannot spend years taking people for granted and then act shocked when they finally turn around and say: enough.

Low Turnout Still Matters

The average turnout was only around 34%.

That means two things can be true at once.

Yes, this was a massive political result.

But no, it was not the whole borough rising as one.

It was a result driven by those who turned out.

And that should worry everyone.

Because Sandwell still has a serious voter apathy problem.

For years, people have moaned about the council, complained about services, complained about councillors, complained about decisions, complained about being ignored — and then many of them stayed at home on polling day.

This time, enough angry voters turned out to change the council.

But the warning remains:

If you do not vote, somebody else chooses the council for you.

The Warning For Reform

Now comes the hard bit.

Reform has won.

Now Reform has to govern.

That means the slogans stop being enough.

They now have to deal with bins, potholes, fly-tipping, planning, housing, adult social care, children’s services, council tax, highways, parks, procurement, audit, transparency, scrutiny and the culture inside Sandwell Council.

They will inherit problems, of course.

Labour cannot pretend the cupboard is spotless. It is not.

But Reform cannot spend four years saying “Labour’s fault” every time something goes wrong.

That excuse has a shelf life.

They now need competent leadership, serious councillors, proper casework, strong ward presence, and the backbone to challenge officers when needed.

Winning the election was the easy part.

Running Sandwell is the test.

The Warning For Labour

Labour now has a choice.

It can sulk, blame Reform, blame turnout, blame national politics, blame voters, blame misinformation, blame the weather, blame Facebook, blame everyone except itself.

Or it can grow up and face reality.

Sandwell Labour lost because people stopped believing it deserved automatic control.

That is the truth.

If Labour wants to rebuild, it needs humility, not entitlement.

It needs better candidates.
It needs proper local campaigning.
It needs to listen before election week.
It needs to stop hiding behind national slogans.
It needs to deal with its internal problems.
It needs to show that it understands why voters were angry.

Because if Labour thinks Reform will simply implode and voters will come running back, it may be in for another nasty shock.

The Warning For Voters

This result should not mean Sandwell goes back to sleep.

The job is not done because Labour has been kicked out.

The job starts now.

Reform councillors need scrutiny.
Labour councillors need scrutiny.
Green councillors need scrutiny.
Independent councillors need scrutiny.
Officers need scrutiny.
Cabinet decisions need scrutiny.
Contracts need scrutiny.
Planning decisions need scrutiny.
Budgets need scrutiny.

The colour of the rosette does not remove the need for accountability.

Sandwell has spent too long letting power settle into cosy little arrangements.

That must end.

Final Thought

Sandwell has fired the old management.

That is the clearest way to put it.

Labour’s long grip on the borough has been broken. The voters have delivered a brutal message, and nobody in Sandwell politics should pretend otherwise.

But a change of badge is not the same as a change of culture.

If Reform governs well, listens locally, challenges properly and gets the basics right, Labour may be out for a long time.

If Reform treats this as a victory lap, gets drunk on power, or turns into the very thing voters rejected, the backlash will come.

The people of Sandwell have shown that they can remove a political machine.

Now they need to keep their eyes open and make sure the next one does not build itself in its place.

The era of automatic Labour control is over.

The era of excuses must be over too.

#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #SandwellElections2026 #LocalElections2026 #ReformUK #Labour #BlackCountryPolitics #LocalDemocracy #VoterTurnout #AbsurdityOf3 #CouncilAccountability

Tuesday, 21 April 2026

Sandwell 2026: stop sleepwalking the same rotten politics back into power

Sandwell 2026: stop sleepwalking the same rotten politics back into power

Sandwell has spent years complaining about its council, its politics, its complacency, its stitched-up culture and its talent for serving up the same tired mess in slightly different packaging. Yet when election time comes, far too many people either cannot be bothered to vote or march into the polling station and obediently slap their votes on the same party slate like trained seals at a seaside show.

Then, a few months later, the moaning starts again.

That is the Sandwell disease: outrage without action, anger without discipline, and “we need change” followed by voting habits that practically guarantee more of the same.

This year’s Sandwell local election is not the normal pattern. It is a one-off all-out election caused by the boundary changes, with all 72 council seats up for grabs across 24 wards on Thursday 7 May 2026. Each ward has three councillors, and voters can cast up to three votes in their ward. After this reset, Sandwell returns to its usual cycle, with the next elections in 2027, 2028 and 2030. (sandwell.gov.uk)

So no, this is not routine. And that is exactly why the usual lazy tribal habits need smashing.

Because let us be honest about how Sandwell has been kept as it is.

The first culprit is voter apathy.

Sandwell’s average turnout was 29.47% in 2021 and 26.12% in 2022. In 2022, Labour won 21 of the 24 seats contested. So while half the borough was muttering that things needed to change, most of the electorate could not even be bothered to leave the house and prove it. (sandwell.gov.uk)

Apathy is not harmless. It is not some neutral fog drifting above politics. In Sandwell, apathy has acted like free private security for the status quo. It has protected incumbents, cushioned incompetence, and allowed stale political habits to survive far longer than they should have done.

People love saying “everybody wants change.” No, not everybody. Not if they stay at home. Not if they do not register. Not if they leave the field clear for the best organised party machine. In the real world, the side that turns votes out wins, while the side that just complains online gets precisely nothing except the warm glow of feeling politically aware.

And yes, the machine matters.

Long incumbency brings advantages: recognised names, reliable ward networks, entrenched loyalties, bloc voting, familiar cliques, dependable postal voters and the sort of get-out-the-vote operation that becomes easier when you have had decades to cultivate it. There is nothing improper about postal voting itself — it is lawful and normal — but in a borough where turnout is chronically weak, the strongest machine benefits most from every banked vote. Sandwell’s own election information confirms postal voting arrangements for this election and the current three-year renewal rules. (sandwell.gov.uk)

That is why low turnout is so politically poisonous. It does not punish entrenched power as much as people imagine. Usually it protects it.

Then there is the second problem: the herd mentality of straight-ticket voting.

This year, because there are three seats in each ward and voters can cast up to three votes, there is a serious danger that people will thoughtlessly bung all three votes onto one party slate just because that is what the tribe expects. The Electoral Reform Society has long noted that bloc-vote arrangements favour disciplined parties and can let one party sweep a ward even without anything like unanimous support. (electoral-reform.org.uk)

In plain English: if you vote like a robot, do not act shocked when you get represented by robots.

Sandwell does not need another batch of party-approved seat fillers who can clap on cue, read out the official line and disappear when residents actually need something done. It needs councillors with a spine, a brain and enough independence to occasionally tell their own side to get stuffed.

That should not be a controversial ask in a borough with Sandwell’s history.

This is a council area where Labour has held majority control since 1979. It is also a council area that was serious enough in governance terms to end up under central government intervention from March 2022 until March 2024. That is not a badge of honour. It is not a minor blip. It is a giant warning siren bolted to the roof of local politics. (en.wikipedia.org)

So forgive me if I am not persuaded by arguments that Sandwell now needs less challenge, less scrutiny or another easy ride for a dominant machine. Quite the opposite. After that history, Sandwell should be desperate for stronger opposition, tougher questioning and councillors who are capable of more than loyally occupying a chair.

But there is another trap here too.

Sandwell should not swap one lazy party machine for another shiny nuisance that talks a big game and delivers very little. Not all change is improvement. Not every anti-establishment poseur is a serious local representative. Not every angry leaflet is evidence of competence.

Too much of this election already feels infected by national politics pretending to be local. Westminster slogans. Imported grievance. Party-brand theatre. National noise drowning out local need. Meanwhile the actual job of a Sandwell councillor remains stubbornly boring and important: sorting casework, understanding reports, questioning decisions, speaking for residents, knowing the ward, and being more useful than a laminated manifesto.

That is why voters need to be wary of the old boots on new ground syndrome too. Some candidates and parties are trying to pass themselves off as fresh simply because they have changed colour, changed logo or found a new script. But a recycled operator in a different rosette is still a recycled operator. Sandwell does not need cosmetic renewal. It needs people with genuine roots in their communities and enough backbone to put the borough before the badge.

And yes, there is a serious question about whether every candidate asking for office is genuinely capable of doing the job. Being a councillor is not a vanity project. It is not a title for the Facebook bio. It is not a reward for party loyalty or friendship circles. It is work. Real work. Reading papers, attending meetings, helping residents, asking questions, understanding policy, challenging nonsense, and sticking at it. Voters are entitled to ask whether the people put before them can actually carry that weight.

So here is my view.

Sandwell has had nearly half a century of Labour dominance. It has had scandal, intervention, chronic public frustration and years of resident complaints. Yet parts of the electorate still behave as if the safest thing to do is vote like nothing has happened, or not vote at all.

That is madness.

If you want change, vote like you mean it. Don't hand all three votes to the same party out of lazy tribal instinct. Stop confusing party branding with local merit. Stop rewarding people just because they have the right logo on the leaflet. Judge the candidate. Judge the record. Judge the seriousness. Judge who will actually work and who is just there to make up the numbers.

Because Sandwell does not need another landslide for a machine.

It needs scrutiny. It needs independence. It needs disruption of the old habits. It needs councillors who can think for themselves and who understand that representing residents is not the same as obeying a party line.

Most of all, it needs an electorate that stops acting surprised when it keeps recreating the same mess.


My personal selections for the Sandwell Local Elections - In alphabetical order

Bearwood
Leon Barnfield
Paul Bithell
Jane Grandey

Blackheath
Bhapinder Singh Bains
Deborah White
Dave Williams

Bristnall
Ellen Fenton
Jonathan James Fox
Louise Pearson

Charlemont & Grove Vale
Amrita Jasmine Dunn
David Dean Fisher
Rachael Michelle Mitchell

Cradley Heath & Old Hill
Satinder Dunn
Craig Morris
Julie Webb

Friar Park & Stone Cross
Simon Hackett
Amy Pittaway
Lisa Jane Weaver

Great Barr, Tamebridge & Yew Tree
Darren Harding
Debi Haywards
Connor Lee Horton

Great Bridge
Joe Cogavin
Keith Stephen Edge
Brad Steven Simms

Greets Green & Lyng
Laura Curtis
Paul Green
Mike Stanyer

Hateley Heath
Dave Moore
Doug Perry
Ram Sarup

Hill Top
Dean Adam Hollywood
Olivia Emily Shaw
Steve Simon

Langley
Sandra Colling
James Deans
Tuli Zefi

Newton & Valley
Tarjinder Singh Bassi
Kenny Jinks
Tiffany Sims

Old Warley
Connor Marshall
Tanisha Reid
Baljinder Singh

Oldbury
Andy Dangerfield
Stuart Hill
Rita Randell

Princes End
Kelly Cranston
Justyna Kordala
Geoffrey Lionel Sutton

Rowley
Ritchie Colin Massey
Benjamin James Morris
Paul Tromans

Smethwick
Simran Kaur
Ash Lewis
Mark Redding

Soho & Victoria
Andrea Melissa Boxall
David Michael Jones
Susan Neale

St Paul’s
Steven Finch
Kenan Taylor
Lynne Tomkinson

Tipton Green
Tim Hordley
Richard James Jeffcoat
Tom Lewandowski

Tividale
Maria Crompton
Robin Sarah Diver
Coleen Sheehan

Wednesbury
Jeremy John Handley
Richard Daniel Jones
Michael Owen Nelson

West Bromwich
Tirath Singh Dhatt
Kristopher Sarasadu
Sue Taylor



#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #SandwellElections #LocalElections #Election2026 #SandwellVotes #VoteForChange #Democracy #LocalPolitics #WestMidlands #BlackCountry #PoliticalAccountability #OppositionMatters #TurnoutMatters #UseYourVote #ResidentsFirst #SandwellWards #CouncilElections #OnePartyState #MachinePolitics



Friday, 10 April 2026

2026: The System, The Slate, and Why Independents Are Fighting Uphill


2026: The System, The Slate, and Why Independents Are Fighting Uphill

Let’s cut through the polite explanations and get to what’s actually happening with the Sandwell Local Elections on 7 May 2026.

Yes — there’s been a boundary review.
Yes — it’s an all-out election.
Yes — you can vote for up to three candidates.

All true.

But that’s the mechanics.

This is about the reality.

The Ballot Paper Tells the Real Story

Now the official candidate list is out, and it confirms exactly what many suspected.

Across ward after ward, the same pattern:

  • Labour – 3 candidates
  • Conservative – 3 candidates
  • Reform – 3 candidates
  • Green – multiple candidates

And then… the odd independent, here and there, trying to break through.

That’s not a level playing field.
That’s a stacked deck.

“You Can Vote for Three” — Yes, But…

You’ll be told:

“You can vote for one, two or three candidates.”

Sounds fair, doesn’t it?

But here’s what actually happens:

  • Parties run full slates of three
  • They tell supporters: “Vote for all three”
  • Their votes are organised, stacked, and efficient

Meanwhile:

  • independents stand alone
  • local voices get diluted
  • and the system quietly does the rest

So yes — you’ve got choice.

Just not equal choice.

This Is Machine Politics — Not Local Democracy

Look at the candidate list properly.

What do you see?

Not:

  • who’s been fighting bad planning decisions
  • who’s been calling out the council
  • who’s been standing up for residents

What you see is:

Party labels. Party blocks. Party control.

This isn’t about your street, your park, your area.

It’s about:

  • party structure
  • party discipline
  • party strategy

And Then There’s the Big One — The System Itself

This election isn’t just unusual — it’s unstable by design.

Because:

  • 1st place = 4 years
  • 2nd place = 2 years
  • 3rd place = 1 year

That means:

👉 24 councillors will be back up for election in 2027
👉 Another cycle in 2028
👉 Then a fallow year in 2029

So we could see:

  • control change
  • leadership change
  • policy change

…all in quick succession.

That’s not stability.

That’s controlled chaos baked into the system.

Why So Few Independents? Let’s Be Honest

Some people will look at the ballot and think:

“Where are all the independents?”

Here’s your answer.

Because standing as an independent means:

  • funding your own campaign
  • doing everything yourself
  • no party machine
  • no leaflet army
  • no safety net

And here’s the killer:

👉 If you don’t come first, you could be back campaigning again within 1–2 years

So:

  • more cost
  • more time
  • more pressure

All without backing.

That’s not a lack of good local people.

That’s a system that makes it incredibly hard for them to stand — and even harder to stay.

Let’s Talk About “Stability”

We keep hearing that stability matters.

Fine.

But Sandwell has had decades of one-party dominance.

Ask yourself honestly:

Has that delivered:

  • strong scrutiny?
  • transparency?
  • better outcomes?

Or has it created:

  • complacency
  • weak challenge
  • decisions made behind closed doors

Because “stability” without accountability isn’t strength.

It’s stagnation.

What This Election Should Actually Be About

This shouldn’t be about:

  • national politics
  • party messaging
  • political branding

It should be about:

  • your roads
  • your housing
  • your green spaces
  • your safety
  • your voice

And that’s where independents matter.

Because independents:

  • don’t answer to party whips
  • don’t follow national scripts
  • don’t need permission to speak up

They answer to one thing:

👉 You

What Happens Next — This Is Just the Start

This is the first stage of analysis.

Over the coming days and weeks:

👉 We will publish ward-by-ward breakdowns
👉 We will highlight key battleground areas
👉 We will examine candidate backgrounds and track records
👉 And where possible, we will carry out direct interviews with candidates in key wards

Because voters deserve more than:

  • a name on a ballot
  • a party logo
  • a leaflet through the door

They deserve:

  • scrutiny
  • transparency
  • and real information before they vote

Final Thought

This election isn’t just another cycle.

It’s a reset.

And the real question isn’t:

“Which party do I vote for?”

It’s:

“Who is actually going to fight for this area when it matters?”

Useful Links

Local Election General Information:
www.sandwell.gov.uk/elections2026

Candidate List:
www.sandwell.gov.uk/downloads/file/5544/statement-of-persons-nominated-7-may-2026


#Sandwell #LocalElections2026 #SandwellCouncil #VoteLocal #IndependentVoices #Democracy #Wednesbury #Tipton #WestBromwich #Oldbury #Smethwick #Accountability #LocalPolitics


Sandwell Council has published another News & Events Update, and once again there is quite a lot in it.

Sandwell Council has published another News & Events Update, and once again there is quite a lot in it. Some of it is genuin...