Showing posts with label SEND. Show all posts
Showing posts with label SEND. Show all posts

Monday, 17 August 2026

Sandwell SEND: The Alarm Bells Have Been Ringing – Our Children Cannot Wait for the System to Catch Up

Sandwell SEND: The Alarm Bells Have Been Ringing – Our Children Cannot Wait for the System to Catch Up

A longer read again I'm afraid – but when we are talking about children with special educational needs and disabilities, their families and their futures, I make absolutely no apology for that. Put the kettle on. You may need the big mug.

I've started taking a much deeper look at Special Educational Needs and Disabilities – SEND – provision across Sandwell, and already there are some very serious questions that need answering.

This isn't about having a cheap pop at an individual councillor, teacher, school, parent, council officer or political party.

And it certainly isn't about pretending that the national SEND system isn't under enormous pressure too. It is. Across England, the number of pupils with Education, Health and Care Plans continues to rise substantially. In January 2026 there were around 538,500 pupils with EHCPs in English schools, an increase of 11.6% in a year.

But national pressures don't absolve Sandwell of responsibility for Sandwell's children.

And the more I've looked, the more I think we need a substantial, forensic investigation into whether the borough actually has the school places, specialist facilities, EHCP capacity, transport, respite, activities, health provision and forward planning necessary to cope with what is coming.

Because what is coming isn't a surprise.

The numbers are going up – dramatically

Sandwell Council itself says demand for SEND support is increasing rapidly.

Requests for EHC needs assessments have risen from 415 in 2019 to 993 in 2025.

That's an increase of around 139%.

Not a little statistical wobble.

Not a temporary blip.

A fundamental change in demand.

And Sandwell's July 2026 SEND Sufficiency Strategy says there are currently 4,064 children and young people with an EHCP, with that number forecast to reach 7,750 by 2029 and more than 10,700 by 2031.

Just stop and consider that.

If that forecast proves broadly correct, we're not talking about tweaking the existing system around the edges.

We're talking about needing substantially greater capacity across education, health, social care, transport and family support.

Which brings me to the obvious question:

Are we building that capacity quickly enough?

At the moment, I'm far from convinced.

Sandwell already admits it hasn't got enough specialist places

This isn't me making an allegation.

The council's own July 2026 figures say Sandwell currently has around 1,013 special-school places.

It estimates that it will need 1,163 by September 2027.

And when independent specialist provision is included, overall specialist placement demand is expected to reach around 1,440 by 2027.

Now, before somebody reaches for their calculator and announces a straightforward 427-place shortage, it isn't quite that simple.

The 1,013 and 1,440 figures aren't directly like-for-like because the latter includes independent provision.

That's precisely why we need the detailed figures.

How many places do we actually have?

How many are occupied?

What type of SEND do they cater for?

Where are they?

How many additional places are definitely funded?

When will they open?

How many children are currently being sent elsewhere?

And how many children are effectively waiting for the system to catch up with them?

Those are the numbers that matter.

Ofsted was warning about this in 2023

This is where the investigation becomes particularly important.

Some of these problems weren't discovered last Tuesday.

In July 2023, Ofsted and the Care Quality Commission inspected Sandwell's local SEND partnership.

Inspectors recognised positive work and said children and young people with SEND were valued in Sandwell.

That should be acknowledged.

But they also identified some very significant weaknesses.

Parents reported that securing a special-school place could be a struggle. Inspectors said there were children remaining in mainstream schools on reduced timetables, or attending alternative provision for long periods, while waiting for a special-school place.

Think about the human meaning behind that bureaucratic language.

A child doesn't stop needing an education because the appropriate school place isn't ready yet.

A parent doesn't suddenly acquire another six hours in the day because their child is only attending school part-time.

And teachers in mainstream schools cannot magically manufacture specialist facilities, expertise and staffing from the contents of the stationery cupboard.

The inspectors also noted reliance on provision outside Sandwell.

So the question isn't simply:

"What is the council doing now?"

It's also:

"What did Sandwell know in 2023, what did it promise to do about it, what was actually delivered, and why are some of the same problems still appearing in council strategies three years later?"

The EHCP figures are worrying

Then we come to Education, Health and Care Plans themselves.

Sandwell's 2025/26 corporate performance figures show only 24.64% of EHCPs were completed within 20 weeks across the year.

By Quarter 4, that figure had fallen to just 12.52%.

The reported annual average assessment time was 46.42 weeks, compared with the 20-week measure.

Nationally, 46.1% of new EHC plans issued during 2025 were completed within the 20-week statutory timeframe, excluding applicable exceptions.

So this isn't something we should shrug at and say:

"Well, SEND is difficult everywhere."

It is difficult everywhere.

But the question is still whether Sandwell's performance is good enough.

If a child needs specialist support, 46 weeks is an enormous chunk of their school year.

For a five-year-old, it's a substantial portion of their entire life.

And rather than simply shouting "EHCP backlog", I want to know where the delay actually occurs.

Is it educational psychology?

Health assessments?

Social-care information?

School reports?

Decision panels?

Placement consultations?

Plan drafting?

Staffing?

Administration?

Because until we know where those weeks are disappearing, we aren't actually diagnosing the problem.

We're just counting it.

Then there's an extraordinary discrepancy in Sandwell's own figures

Here's something else that caught my eye.

On 21 July 2026, Sandwell Council said there were 4,064 children and young people with EHCPs.

The following day, in another council announcement about more than £2.5 million of SEND investment, the council gave a figure of 5,156 EHCPs.

That's a difference of 1,092.

I am not suggesting anything sinister here.

There may be a perfectly mundane explanation – perhaps different reporting dates, age cohorts or definitions.

But when you're planning schools, transport, staffing and services for thousands of vulnerable children, you'd hope everybody was at least using the same calculator.

So I've marked that figure as unresolved in my investigation rather than cherry-picking whichever one looks more dramatic.

The council should simply explain the difference.

Credit where it's due – investment is happening

It would be wrong to write this as though Sandwell is doing absolutely nothing.

It isn't.

The council approved a new SEND Sufficiency Strategy in July and has announced more than £2.5 million of investment, including work at Grace Mary Primary School, King George V Primary School and studies into creating further specialist SEND places.

That's welcome.

If it creates appropriate local places for children who would otherwise travel miles each day, even better.

But here's the important distinction:

announcing money is not the same as creating capacity.

Some of that funding relates to studies and preparatory work.

So for every announcement I think residents should be able to see:

How many additional SEND places does it create?

What needs will they support?

When will they open?

How many staff will be required?

Is the ongoing revenue funding secured?

And how many children currently travelling outside Sandwell will eventually be able to attend closer to home?

That's how we measure success.

Not by counting press releases.

Transport is part of the same problem

SEND transport is another area I'm going to investigate closely.

Because these issues feed directly into one another.

If Sandwell doesn't have the appropriate provision locally, children travel further.

When children travel further, transport becomes more complicated.

More complicated transport costs more money.

Longer journeys can place additional strain on children.

And families can find schools and services increasingly distant from their own communities.

Sandwell's SEND home-to-school transport expenditure was around £18 million in 2024/25, according to council scrutiny material.

Council evidence has also said that out-of-borough arrangements can, on average, be around 25% more expensive when provision and transport are considered together.

This is therefore about both children's wellbeing and taxpayers' money.

There is another question worth examining.

In its 2023 report, Ofsted recorded a partnership commitment that children and young people should not have to travel for more than 50 minutes to reach education or training.

The council's later transport policy uses different journey-time expectations, including up to 75 minutes each way for secondary pupils.

If those policies or commitments have changed, fine.

Explain why.

Because 75 minutes there and 75 minutes back can mean a child spending two and a half hours every school day travelling.

For some SEND children, that isn't just inconvenient.

It can be exhausting, distressing or extremely difficult to manage.

The investigation therefore needs actual journey-time data – not just a pleasant-looking average.

How many children travel more than 45 minutes?

More than 50?

More than an hour?

More than 75 minutes?

What's the longest journey?

How many require passenger assistants?

How many journeys are late, cancelled or changed?

How many appeals and complaints are being made?

One Sandwell school-transport case was upheld by the Local Government and Social Care Ombudsman in September 2024 after faults were found in the council's handling of transport and the appeal. That one case does not prove systemic failure – but it does show why processes deserve examination.

SEND isn't only about school

There's another aspect which I worry gets forgotten whenever politicians talk about SEND.

Children don't cease being disabled when the school bell rings.

Families need:

activities, clubs, respite, short breaks, holiday provision and opportunities to socialise.

And Ofsted/CQC were quite clear about this in 2023.

They found there was not enough short-break capacity in Sandwell.

Summer holiday schemes could fill quickly on a first-come-first-served basis, leaving some children with nothing.

The range was particularly limited for children with complex needs and post-16 young people, with inspectors saying this contributed to some families feeling isolated.

That's significant.

Sandwell subsequently included commitments in its 2023–2026 Inclusion Plan to analyse waiting lists and unmet need and to improve the range of universal, targeted and specialist short-break opportunities.

So now, in 2026, we need to ask:

Did that happen?

Not:

"Is there a webpage listing some clubs?"

There is.

That's not the same thing.

We need to know capacity versus demand.

How many children need places?

How many get them?

How many are waiting?

How long?

What's available during school holidays?

What exists for children requiring 1:1 or 2:1 support?

What happens after they turn 16?

What respite exists for exhausted parents and carers?

And is provision reasonably available across all six towns of Sandwell, or does geography determine your chances?

Health has to be part of the investigation too

Ofsted and CQC specifically called for stronger working between education, health and social care so that children's needs could be identified and assessed more efficiently and promptly.

So I don't intend looking at this solely as a council education issue.

We need to consider:

community paediatrics;

speech and language therapy;

occupational therapy;

physiotherapy;

autism and ADHD assessment pathways;

mental-health support where applicable;

and the time taken for health professionals to provide statutory advice during EHCP assessments.

You cannot have an effective Education, Health and Care Plan system if one of those three words is operating on another planet.

And then there is the money

There is clearly a huge financial challenge here.

But there is also a danger of looking at SEND expenditure in separate little departmental boxes.

A shortage of local specialist places can mean expensive independent placements.

Those placements may be outside Sandwell.

That then generates additional transport costs.

Meanwhile pressure on the High Needs budget increases.

Which can reduce the money available to invest in local capacity.

Round and round we go.

It can become the municipal equivalent of paying £5 every day to avoid buying something for £50.

Sometimes external placements are absolutely the right option for an individual child.

The investigation must never start from the assumption that every child should be hauled back across the Sandwell boundary simply to save money.

The right placement must come first.

But where appropriate provision could be delivered locally, there are obvious educational, social and financial reasons for doing so.

This isn't going to become a party-political blame game

There's something else worth making clear.

Some of the problems identified here significantly predate the current Reform administration which took control of Sandwell Council in May 2026.

The Ofsted/CQC findings date from 2023.

The Inclusion Plan was produced under the previous Labour administration.

So it would be ridiculous to pretend everything currently wrong with SEND suddenly materialised after the May elections.

It didn't.

But equally, the new administration now owns the responsibility for what happens next.

You don't get to inherit the council chamber without inheriting the filing cabinets.

The present leadership should therefore be judged on whether it gets to grips with the problem, publishes meaningful information, listens to families and accelerates the provision Sandwell clearly needs.

Where it succeeds, I'll say so.

Where it doesn't, I'll say that too.

That's what being a critical friend is supposed to mean.

I've now started a Sandwell SEND Master Investigation

I've created a Sandwell SEND Master Foundation Document so this doesn't become another issue where important pieces of evidence vanish down assorted Facebook threads, committee papers and council webpages.

The investigation will track:

- growth in SEND and EHCP demand;
- EHCP waiting times and delays;
- special-school and resource-base capacity;
- out-of-borough placements;
- children on reduced timetables;
- alternative provision;
- SEND school transport;
- journey times;
- short breaks and respite;
- activities and holiday provision;
- post-16 provision;
- health and therapy capacity;
- High Needs funding;
- council capital investment;
- Ofsted/CQC recommendations;
- and, most importantly, promise versus delivery.

I will also be looking for information from parents, carers, teachers, support staff, SEND professionals and young people themselves.

Because statistics can tell us how many.

They don't always tell us what it feels like.

What I want Sandwell to demonstrate

I don't want another glossy strategy telling me that everybody is committed to "working together", "putting children at the heart of services" and "delivering positive outcomes".

Those phrases have been polished so often in local government they're probably visible from space.

Show us the numbers.

Show us the places.

Show us the waiting lists.

Show us the journey times.

Show us the short-break capacity.

Show us what was promised after the 2023 inspection.

Show us what was completed.

Show us what wasn't.

And if something failed – tell us why.

That's transparency.

Because behind every spreadsheet cell is a child

This is ultimately what matters.

An EHCP delayed for months isn't merely a red performance indicator.

It's a child potentially waiting for support.

A shortage of specialist places isn't merely an estates problem.

It's a family wondering where their child will be educated.

A 70-minute transport journey isn't merely a route optimisation exercise.

It's a child sitting in a vehicle before and after an already demanding school day.

A full holiday scheme isn't simply "100% utilisation".

It may mean an exhausted parent being told there is no respite place available.

That's why this deserves much more scrutiny.

And it will get it.

The SEND pressures facing Sandwell are substantial, they're growing, and much of this was foreseeable.

The question now is whether Sandwell's provision is growing quickly enough to meet them.

Based on what I've seen so far, there are some encouraging signs of investment.

There are also some very large warning lights flashing on the dashboard.

And I'm going to keep looking.



#Sandwell #SEND #SandwellSEND #SpecialEducationalNeeds #EHCP #Education #SENDChildren #SENDFamilies #AdditionalNeeds #SpecialEducation #SchoolPlaces #SENDTransport #ShortBreaks #RespiteCare #SandwellSchools #SandwellCouncil #LocalGovernment #EducationMatters #ChildrenAndYoungPeople #CriticalFriend #Accountability #Transparency #WestBromwich #Wednesbury #Oldbury #Smethwick #Tipton #RowleyRegis
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Thursday, 13 August 2026

One Call-In, £7.6 Million and a Cupboard Full of Unfinished Business: Sandwell Scrutiny Goes Back to Work


One Call-In, £7.6 Million and a Cupboard Full of Unfinished Business: Sandwell Scrutiny Goes Back to Work

Budget & Corporate Scrutiny Management Board – 20 August 2026

LONG READ WARNING: This one is not a three-paragraph Facebook rant. Put the kettle on. Possibly make sandwiches. If you make it as far as the Disabled Facilities Grant, give yourself a biscuit. If you survive SEND, the HRA, FOIs and procurement as well, congratulations — you are now probably qualified to sit on a scrutiny committee.

And unlike some glossy Council publications, there are actual numbers in this.

The Budget and Corporate Scrutiny Management Board meets at Sandwell Council House at 6pm on Thursday 20 August.

Despite this being Sandwell's overarching scrutiny board — responsible for finances, information management, HR, ICT and the wider scrutiny work programme — there is just one substantive item on the agenda after the formalities and approval of the March minutes.

And it is a big one.

The Board will consider a call-in of the Reform Cabinet's 15 July decision concerning the Crisis and Resilience Fund 2026/27–2028/29.

So before wandering into the rather large cupboard marked Unfinished Sandwell Business, let's start with the matter actually on Thursday's agenda.

£7.599 million — and some awkward questions

The Crisis and Resilience Fund is Government money intended to help residents facing financial crisis while also trying to tackle some of the causes that keep dragging people back into crisis.

Sandwell has approximately £7.599 million for 2026/27.

The July Cabinet plan allocates £1.451m for housing payments, £1.335m for crisis payments, £1.850m for other crisis support, £494,000 for additional Welfare Rights staff and software, £2m for new resilience pilot projects and £469,000 for administration.

On the face of it, there are some perfectly sensible ideas here.

Prevent homelessness. Help people with debt. Maximise benefits. Improve food security. Help people into training and employment. Stop repeatedly handing somebody a sticking plaster if you can help deal with the wound.

Nothing particularly outrageous there.

Unfortunately, local government tends to become interesting when you get past the Executive Summary.

And this one gets interesting quite quickly.

The school holiday voucher row

Under the previous Household Support Fund, eligible families had received help including school holiday food vouchers.

Sandwell's July report considered continuing that system but rejected it, saying blanket provision did not sufficiently fit the new Fund's emphasis on crisis intervention and longer-term resilience.

This has now become one of the central grounds for the call-in.

It is important, however, not to turn this into political pantomime.

The Government guidance does not say councils must continue blanket free-school-meal holiday vouchers.

But — and this is rather important — it does not forbid them either.

The Department for Work and Pensions explicitly says councils should decide how best to ensure the poorest children do not go hungry during school holidays and that this may or may not involve blanket vouchers for children receiving free school meals. It also encourages councils to link provision with schools, Family Hubs and the Holiday Activities and Food programme.

So the sensible question is not:

“Are vouchers compulsory?”

They aren't.

The sensible question is:

“What evidence shows the replacement arrangement will reach the children and families who actually need help?”

How many Sandwell families previously received automatic support?

How many are expected to receive help under the new application system?

What level of non-take-up has been modelled?

What happens to the parent who isn't technically in an immediate “financial shock” but suddenly has children at home for six weeks and an extra food bill?

And what happens to those people who simply don't apply?

Those are scrutiny questions.

Welcome to crisis support. Please create an account...

The new model is largely application based.

Again, that isn't automatically wrong. DWP actually expects Crisis and Housing Payments to be mostly delivered through application-based schemes.

But the same guidance also says councils should proactively find vulnerable people who may never come forward themselves, that application methods must be accessible, and that councils must provide a non-digital offer, not merely stick a form online and wish everyone the best of British.

Now look at Sandwell's live Crisis Payments page.

It says:

“You will need a MySandwell account to apply.”

It also tells applicants that a payment or voucher can take up to 14 days, although it says applications are usually dealt with more quickly.

Meanwhile DWP guidance says that for urgent needs, authorities should aim to deliver Crisis Payments within 48 hours of a completed application and should consider what happens outside ordinary working hours.

That does not necessarily mean Sandwell is breaching the guidance.

There may be a perfectly good urgent triage system operating behind the scenes.

Fine.

Show it to scrutiny.

What constitutes urgent?

How many applications are dealt with within 48 hours?

What happens on Friday night?

What if somebody fleeing domestic abuse cannot provide the documentary evidence neatly requested by an online system?

What if somebody has no smartphone, email address, data allowance or MySandwell account?

The Cabinet report itself says face-to-face assistance will be available. Good.

The question is whether a frightened, skint or digitally excluded resident can actually find that route when they need it.

A service is not accessible merely because somewhere, in paragraph 37 of something, somebody has written the word “accessible”.

The Equality Impact Assessment that was going to happen

The call-in also points out that an Equality Impact Assessment had not been published.

More interestingly, the Cabinet report itself says:

“An Equality Impact Assessment will be undertaken.”

“Will be.”

The decision was being taken on 15 July.

That does not automatically make the decision unlawful. The Public Sector Equality Duty is more complicated than simply asking whether a document with “EIA” written on the front exists.

But it certainly generates an obvious question:

What equality analysis was actually before Cabinet when Cabinet made the decision?

Because changing from broadly automatic provision to an application-and-assessment model may affect disabled people, carers, people with poor literacy, people with mental health problems, people experiencing domestic abuse and digitally excluded residents differently.

If all that work was done beforehand, excellent.

Publish it.

Scrutiny should not need a séance to discover what evidence Cabinet considered.

Consultation — technically optional, politically rather more interesting

The report says there was no statutory requirement for public consultation.

That is correct as far as the Council's published position goes.

It says there was engagement with internal services, partners and operational stakeholders.

But the call-in points out something rather obvious.

The people whose support arrangements were actually changing apparently weren't directly consulted.

Legality and good decision-making are not always identical twins.

You can legally decide something without asking residents.

That doesn't necessarily make it wise.

Especially when the people concerned are low-income families and you are changing support shortly before the school summer holidays.

The call-in also says June's Cabinet meeting had been cancelled and argues the July decision came too late for families to make alternative arrangements. That is an allegation made in the formal call-in notice and deserves a proper answer rather than political throat-clearing.

And here's a new one: 1 July or 1 August?

This is where a little forensic reading becomes useful.

Sandwell's July Cabinet report authorised the Section 151 Officer to submit the Council's 2026/27 Crisis and Resilience Fund expenditure plan to DWP by 1 August 2026.

However, the Government's published CRF guidance says unitary and county authorities were required to send their initial delivery plan to DWP by 1 July 2026, with Section 151/CFO sign-off.

Now, before anybody reaches for the pitchforks, this does not prove Sandwell missed a Government deadline.

Perhaps Sandwell submitted an initial plan by 1 July and the August document was something different.

Perhaps DWP agreed another timetable.

Perhaps there was correspondence we haven't seen.

There may be a perfectly boring explanation.

Excellent.

Let's have the perfectly boring explanation.

Produce the plan, its submission date, the Section 151 sign-off and DWP acknowledgement.

Mystery solved.

That's what scrutiny is supposed to do.

£300,000 becomes £469,000

Here's another one for lovers of municipal arithmetic.

The January budget papers anticipated about £300,000 a year in CRF administration income/cost provision, based on approximately 5% of the Fund.

By July, the proposed administration budget was £469,000.

Separately, another £494,000 was allocated to additional Welfare Rights staffing and software.

There may again be an entirely legitimate explanation.

But £300,000 becoming £469,000 is the sort of thing a board with the word Budget in its name might reasonably ask about.

What changed?

What exactly is contained within the £469,000?

How many staff?

What software?

What publicity?

What evaluation?

What is one-off and what becomes an ongoing cost?

And what precisely does the separate £494,000 buy?

These are not gotcha questions.

They're called accounting.

The £2 million pilot pot

The Council also intends spending £2 million on resilience pilots — potentially covering food security, healthy living, financial resilience, skills and employment.

Again, perfectly worthy objectives.

But Cabinet delegated considerable authority to senior officers, in consultation with the Cabinet Member, to determine the pilots and make in-year adjustments. It also delegated development of the 2027/28 and 2028/29 expenditure plans.

So who gets the money?

Who chooses?

What are the criteria?

Are they grants or contracts?

How is performance measured?

What happens when a pilot fails?

Will councillors and the public see the outcomes?

Because “pilot project” is one of those lovely public-sector phrases that can mean anything between excellent innovative intervention and £200,000 disappeared into a PowerPoint presentation and everybody agreed lessons had been learned.

We shall see.

---

And now... the cupboard

This is where the political change in May becomes important.

Reform UK won 41 of Sandwell's 72 seats at the May election and took control of the authority. Councillor Ray Nock was subsequently appointed Council Leader from 26 May.

That means we need to be fair about what follows.

Most of the problems I'm about to discuss were not created by the Reform administration.

They existed under the previous Labour administration.

Some go back years.

Some involve national pressures as well as local management.

Some are officer and system issues rather than things created personally by councillors.

So I am not going to perform the lazy trick of sticking “REFORM FAILURE” on every spreadsheet dated before they took office.

But nor should changing the political leadership cause the Council's institutional memory to develop sudden-onset amnesia.

The paperwork doesn't reset itself after an election.

The residents waiting for repairs don't vanish.

SEND cases don't disappear.

Unspent Disabled Facilities Grants don't magically install bathrooms at midnight on polling day.

Legacy responsibility and current responsibility are different things.

Labour can properly be challenged about what happened on its watch.

Reform can properly be challenged about what it does with what it inherited.

That is the handover test.

Housing: C3 remains the large elephant in the Council flat

Sandwell received a C3 consumer judgement from the Regulator of Social Housing in October 2024.

The regulator said there were serious failings and significant improvement was required, particularly around the Safety and Quality Standard.

That is unquestionably a Labour-era legacy issue.

The Council subsequently began substantial recovery work — stock condition surveys, reducing repairs backlogs, improving safety compliance and introducing new systems — and that progress should be acknowledged. The Council itself has reported significant corrective action.

But as of this review, the October 2024 C3 remains the latest Sandwell regulatory judgement listed by the regulator.

So the question for Reform isn't:

“Why did you get a C3?”

They didn't.

The question is:

“What are you doing to get Sandwell out of C3, what remains outstanding and when should tenants expect the regulator to be satisfied?”

March scrutiny was told that around £51 million sat in HRA reserves, but crucially some of that represented deferred work including stock condition surveys, repair backlogs and a replacement housing management system.

In other words, £51m in reserves isn't necessarily a giant municipal piggy bank waiting for somebody to smash it open.

Some of it has work attached.

The real issue is delivery.

Disabled Facilities Grants: the underspend that refused to go away

March scrutiny was told that around £6.6 million of Disabled Facilities Grant funding was underspent.

This is money intended for adaptations including stairlifts, accessible bathrooms and other work helping disabled people remain independent at home.

At Quarter 3, £6.639m was forecast to slip into 2026/27.

By final outturn, it wasn't £6.639m.

It was £6.678m of an £11.639m budget slipping forward.

Yes, the papers point out that other councils have difficulties spending DFG allocations.

Fair enough.

But a national problem can still be a Sandwell problem.

And calling something “slippage” does not make the human consequences disappear.

Behind the word could be somebody unable to use their bath.

Somebody struggling upstairs.

A carer lifting somebody because an adaptation isn't finished.

An older resident unable to return home safely.

So the new administration should inherit not merely the £6.678m balance but the question:

How many people are waiting, and for how long?

That's the metric I want.

Not just money carried forward.

People carried forward.

SEND: clearing a backlog isn't the same as fixing the system

There was genuine progress before May.

The historic EHCP assessment backlog — previously reported at 523 cases — had been reduced to zero.

Good.

Credit where due.

But earlier scrutiny had also been told the EHCP 20-week completion rate had fallen to 15.65% against a 50.3% target, while average statutory assessment time had reached 57.82 weeks against a 20-week target.

The July performance report still identified EHCP timeliness and statutory assessment duration as persistent red indicators.

So “the backlog has been cleared” is true.

It is also not the whole story.

If you clear the historic queue and then people continue waiting far too long, congratulations — you have cleared yesterday's backlog while manufacturing tomorrow's.

SEND demand is also forecast to continue growing. The Council's own Sufficiency Strategy says that, based on historic demand and conversion rates, Sandwell could have more than 10,000 children with EHCPs by 2031, although it correctly cautions that ongoing reform work could change that projection.

Again: legacy pressure.

Current responsibility for the response.

The money that keeps slipping into tomorrow

Sandwell's final 2025/26 General Fund capital programme was £89.308m.

Actual expenditure was £63.304m.

That's 71% delivered, with £25.810m slipping into later years.

The HRA capital programme was £92.552m.

Actual expenditure: £62.330m.

That's 67%, leaving another £30.222m slipping forward.

Now, capital programmes always reprofile.

Planning changes.

Contractors slip.

Projects move.

Weather happens.

Things genuinely change.

But once tens of millions repeatedly move from “this year” to “next year”, scrutiny needs to ask whether we are looking at isolated project delays or a wider delivery capacity problem.

A budget isn't an achievement because somebody successfully typed it into Excel.

Eventually something has to get built, repaired, adapted or installed.

Sandwell Children's Trust: £19.792 million doesn't become history just because the calendar changed

Sandwell Children's Trust accumulated a historic deficit of approximately £19.792m by the end of 2024/25.

A three-year contract was agreed covering 2025/26–2027/28, totalling £309.072m, with arrangements intended to stabilise the Trust and recover the deficit.

The 2025/26 outturn included a £6.597m draw from reserves for additional Trust contract payments connected to that cumulative deficit.

Again, Reform didn't create it.

But the contract continues under Reform.

So scrutiny should keep watching it.

Otherwise “we have agreed a three-year contract” risks becoming local-government shorthand for “please don't ask us again until 2028”.

No.

Ask every quarter.

FOIs and Subject Access Requests: transparency apparently still takes time

This one should concern anybody who has ever tried to extract information from a public authority without first obtaining a degree in patience.

Back in Quarter 2, Sandwell was already below its 90% target for responding to Subject Access Requests and Freedom of Information requests on time.

The Council said additional diagnostics, resources and digital solutions were being explored.

By Quarter 4, SAR performance had fallen to 36%, with annual performance of 50%.

FOI performance was 70%, against the 90% target.

The Quarter 4 breakdown recorded Finance & Transformation at 0% for 14 SARs, Children & Education at 33%, Adult Social Care & Health at 31%, and Place at 45%.

The report does say work is progressing on a new system after discussions with Hackney.

Fine.

But this is Budget & Corporate Scrutiny, and information governance is specifically within its remit.

So it needs to return.

Not as another paragraph saying “work continues”.

With numbers.

Complaints and the customer journey

Quarter 4 Stage 1 complaints averaged 11.33 working days against a 10-day target, with Children and Education at 19.21 days. The report says many Children's complaints relate to SEND delays.

The Council was also receiving an enormous number of avoidable calls.

Nearly half — 48.48% of calls about repairs — were residents chasing repairs that had already been reported.

That is a fascinating customer-service statistic.

You can have a very polite person answer the telephone and still have a broken customer journey because the resident is ringing for the third time asking why nobody has fixed the leak.

Previous scrutiny also raised anonymous responses from officers, misleading MySandwell statuses and response times for councillor enquiries.

March's tracking report showed some recommendations had been hanging around since 2023 and 2024 under various descriptions of ongoing work.

New political control is an excellent opportunity to ask an old-fashioned question:

Did we actually finish any of this?

Procurement: another one that must not quietly wander off

March's Budget & Corporate Scrutiny Board considered proposals for a new Ethical and Commercial Procurement Strategy, refreshed procurement rules and improved contract management.

Members were told the final Strategy, Procedure Rules and Contract Management Framework would return to scrutiny.

That matters.

Because Sandwell is simultaneously letting and managing very substantial contracts, including housing maintenance and regulatory work.

The July Cabinet papers themselves stress the importance of compliant procurement, performance management, social value and effective contract reviews.

Good.

So bring the promised framework back.

Scrutiny has an unfortunate habit, not unique to Sandwell, of enthusiastically requesting an update and then apparently assuming the update has ascended to heaven if nobody puts it on another agenda.

Let's not do that.

---

This isn't an argument that nothing has improved

For the avoidance of doubt — because nuance is terribly unfashionable on social media — Sandwell has made genuine progress.

The Council exited Government intervention.

Children's Services achieved a Good Ofsted judgement after years of difficulty.

The LGA Corporate Peer Challenge found Sandwell significantly more stable and credible than it had been in the dark old days, while still identifying important further work around housing, transformation and organisational capacity.

The General Fund position has also been substantially more stable than in some other councils.

None of that should be airbrushed out merely because criticism gets more clicks.

But improvement does not mean scrutiny becomes redundant.

Quite the opposite.

If the Council really is improving, good scrutiny helps make sure it stays improved.

Labour's legacy. Reform's test.

And this is the key point.

Housing C3?

Inherited.

The DFG backlog?

Inherited.

SEND pressures?

Inherited.

The Children's Trust historic deficit?

Inherited.

FOI and SAR weakness?

Inherited.

Capital slippage?

Predominantly inherited.

Procurement reform begun but not completed?

Transitional.

These cannot fairly be rewritten as things Reform created after taking office in May.

But from the moment the new administration knows about them, a second clock starts ticking.

The question slowly changes from:

“Who caused this?”

to:

“Who is fixing this?”

And eventually, if nothing happens:

“Why did you leave it?”

That is where scrutiny should sit.

Not rewriting history to blame the new lot for everything.

And not allowing the new lot to blame history forever.

Thursday is a useful first test

The Crisis and Resilience Fund is different from most of those legacy matters.

This was a July 2026 decision of the current Reform Cabinet.

So Thursday's meeting provides an early test of how Sandwell's new political arrangements deal with challenge.

Will scrutiny simply hear explanations and wave the decision through?

Will it turn into party-political theatre over free school meal vouchers?

Or will members do what scrutiny should actually do — interrogate the evidence, separate fact from assertion, demand the paperwork and improve the decision where improvement is required?

I don't currently see evidence that the entire Crisis and Resilience Fund proposal should simply be thrown in the bin.

The principle of moving people from repeated crisis towards longer-term financial resilience is sensible.

But there are unresolved questions about the timing, the impact on families, equality analysis, accessibility, the apparent 1 July/1 August delivery-plan discrepancy, the 14-day public processing message versus the Government's 48-hour urgent-payment ambition, administration costs, the £2m pilots and the extent of delegated authority.

Those questions deserve answers.

And when Thursday's call-in is finished, the Board should turn around and look at the rather large pile of unfinished business sitting behind it.

Because elections change councillors.

They do not delete corporate memory.

And in Sandwell — of all places — we really should have learned by now that “we thought somebody was dealing with it” is not a governance system.

I'll be watching what happens on 20 August.

And, as ever, I'll update this when the answers arrive.

Assuming, of course, they arrive within the target response time.

Don't hold your breath.


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #BudgetScrutiny #CorporateScrutiny #CouncilScrutiny #CrisisAndResilienceFund #LocalGovernment #CouncilGovernance #PublicAccountability #Transparency #LocalDemocracy #ReformUK #Labour #SandwellPolitics #Housing #SEND #DisabledFacilitiesGrant #FOI #SubjectAccessRequests #Procurement #ContractManagement #ChildrensServices #CouncilFinances #Governance #ScrutinyMatters #FollowThePaperTrail

Sunday, 9 August 2026

Sandwell's September Paper Trail – A Few Things Worth Watching Before the Reports Land


Sandwell's September Paper Trail – A Few Things Worth Watching Before the Reports Land


There is an old habit in local government of waiting until a 300-page committee pack lands on the internet, usually accompanied by enough appendices to stun a medium-sized badger, before anyone starts asking what is actually going on.


So I'm trying something different.


Let's look at what is coming before the paperwork arrives.


Sandwell Council has published another Forward Plan, this one dated 4 August 2026, giving advance notice of decisions expected to come before Cabinet.


And there are already several items where I think residents, councillors and particularly those sitting on scrutiny committees should be sharpening their pencils.


Most are currently expected at the Cabinet meeting on Wednesday 9 September 2026.


This isn't an accusation that something is wrong.


It is something far more dangerous in Sandwell:


asking questions before the decision is made.


First up – how are the finances looking?


One of the big documents coming forward is the:


Q1 Budget Monitoring Report 2026/27


This is classed as a Key Decision.


Budget monitoring reports can appear mind-numbingly dull.


Forecast.


Variance.


Reprofiling.


Reserves.


Capital programme.


Another spreadsheet.


Another cup of tea.


But buried amongst those phrases is the answer to a much simpler question:


Is Sandwell actually spending taxpayers' money where it said it would, and is it delivering what it promised?


That matters particularly because previous financial reports have already highlighted substantial pressures involving SEND/high-needs funding, the Housing Revenue Account and Sandwell Children's Trust.


Earlier monitoring during 2025/26 showed significant pressure within the Dedicated Schools Grant and HRA, alongside the continuing financial implications surrounding the Children's Trust.


So when the new Q1 figures arrive, some fairly basic questions need answering.


Has the position improved?


Have new overspends appeared?


Are savings actually being delivered?


How much money is being taken from reserves?


And perhaps one of my favourites:


How much of the capital programme has actually been delivered?


Because there is a difference between:


"We have allocated £20 million to something"


and


"We actually built the thing."


Sandwell has previously had substantial capital budgets reprofiled into later years.


"Reprofiled", incidentally, is one of those wonderful council words.


In ordinary English it frequently means:


We didn't spend it when we said we were going to.


Let's see what September brings.


Treasury Management Outturn 2025/26


Another Key Decision is the Treasury Management Outturn for the last financial year.


Don't switch off.


Treasury management sounds like something conducted by three accountants in a locked cupboard beneath Oldbury Council House.


It isn't.


It deals with things including borrowing, investments, debt, interest and how the authority manages enormous amounts of public money.


I want to see:


- total borrowing;

- cost of borrowing;

- investment returns;

- compliance with prudential indicators;

- changes in debt;

- borrowing connected with the capital programme;

- and whether assumptions made when the budget was approved actually turned out to be correct.


If interest costs have increased, let's see them.


If borrowing has increased, explain why.


If investments performed better than expected, wonderful – tell us.


Transparency shouldn't only apply when the numbers are bad.


Housing Compliance Policies


Now this one immediately gets my attention.


Cabinet is expected to consider Compliance Policies, again as a Key Decision.


And there is some important history here.


Sandwell's Housing Improvement and Transformation Programme was developed following the Regulator of Social Housing's C3 regulatory judgement, which identified serious failings in the landlord service.


Previous scrutiny papers recorded issues including extremely poor historic asbestos survey compliance, electrical safety work, a repairs backlog and inadequate information about the condition of the housing stock.


The improvement programme itself specifically included:


reviewing compliance policies and procedures;

improving systems and data;

external and internal assurance;

staff competence;

and better controls to identify non-compliance risks.


So this isn't administrative housekeeping.


It goes directly to the question:


Has Sandwell now got proper control of housing safety and compliance?


When the papers appear I want to know exactly which policies are being approved.


I also want to know:


What remains outstanding?


What is still red or amber?


Are statutory inspections genuinely up to date?


Have historical gaps been completely resolved?


What does external assurance say?


And crucially:


Can Sandwell now evidence compliance properly rather than simply saying that it believes properties are compliant?


There is an important difference.


Community Safety Strategy 2026–2030


Another significant item is the proposed Sandwell Community Safety Strategy 2026–2030, also identified as a Key Decision and expected at Cabinet on 9 September.


This should be interesting.


Because residents don't experience "community safety strategies".


They experience:


antisocial behaviour;


drug dealing;


illegal motorcycles;


shoplifting;


town-centre disorder;


fly-tipping;


criminal damage;


street drinking;


car crime;


and neighbourhood problems that sometimes seem to bounce endlessly between organisations.


So when the strategy appears, I hope we don't receive 70 pages of worthy aspirations accompanied by photographs of people pointing at flipcharts.


I want measurable outcomes.


What are the baseline figures?


What are the targets?


Who is responsible for delivering them?


Where are the hotspots?


What happens when targets aren't met?


How will councillors see ward-level performance?


How are West Midlands Police, Sandwell Council and other partners actually going to be held accountable?


And perhaps most importantly:


Will residents be able to tell whether the strategy has worked?


Because publishing another strategy is easy.


Making Great Bridge, West Bromwich, Wednesbury, Smethwick, Oldbury, Tipton and our neighbourhoods demonstrably safer is the difficult bit.


West Midlands Regional Care Cooperative


Another September item seeks approval for Sandwell to accept Department for Education funding on behalf of the West Midlands Regional Care Cooperative and lead on elements of that work.


It too is designated a Key Decision.


This one deserves careful reading when the report arrives.


There may be very good reasons for Sandwell taking the lead.


But any time Sandwell Council becomes accountable for funding or activity being delivered across a wider regional partnership, I want clarity over:


who controls the money;


who carries the financial risk;


what Sandwell's liabilities are;


what happens if another partner doesn't deliver;


how performance is monitored;


and whether the Council is simply acting as an accountable body or taking on wider responsibilities.


Regional partnerships can achieve things individual councils cannot.


They can also create accountability arrangements resembling a plate of spaghetti.


Let's see the report.


Funeral Services Contract


Cabinet is also expected to consider a Funeral Services Contract, another Key Decision.


Again, this may prove completely straightforward.


But funeral and bereavement services are sensitive public services and contracts need proper scrutiny.


I'd want to know:


what is being procured;


the contract value and length;


whether there are extension provisions;


how quality will be measured;


whether prices or charges to residents could be affected;


what previous contract performance has been like;


and what safeguards exist should the contractor fail.


Procurement reports have an unfortunate tendency to concentrate heavily on procurement.


Residents are generally more interested in the service they actually receive.


And Then There's The Fully Exempt One...


One item on the Forward Plan concerns approval to write off legacy arrears relating to premises.


The Council identifies it as a Key Decision, and Modern.Gov presently indicates that the matter is anticipated to be fully exempt.


Now let's be very clear.


The fact that something is considered in private does not mean there is anything improper about it.


Councils legitimately have to protect commercially confidential information and other information falling within statutory exemptions.


But secrecy does create a corresponding responsibility for particularly robust internal governance.


If the public cannot see the details, elected members need to be absolutely satisfied about:


the amount being written off;


why the debt became irrecoverable;


how old it is;


what recovery action was undertaken;


whether mistakes contributed;


whether officers followed the correct debt-recovery procedures;


and whether there are lessons preventing the same situation occurring again.


"Legacy arrears" could describe a perfectly sensible accounting clean-up.


It could also describe money that should have been collected years ago.


Until we see whatever information can lawfully be made public, we simply don't know.


And that is precisely why questions matter.


Now Comes My Bigger Concern – Scrutiny


This is where the diary becomes interesting.


Cabinet is scheduled to meet on:


Wednesday 9 September 2026.


Budget and Corporate Scrutiny meets on:


Thursday 10 September.


Children's Services and Education Scrutiny meets:


Monday 14 September.


Safer Neighbourhoods and Active Communities Scrutiny meets:


Thursday 17 September.


See the potential problem?


Most of the main scrutiny meetings take place after Cabinet.


That doesn't automatically mean these matters haven't been or won't be scrutinised beforehand.


Some policies go through earlier scrutiny meetings, working groups and consultation.


But it does reinforce something I have raised previously.


Scrutiny is most useful BEFORE a decision.


The Council's own scrutiny arrangements recognise that boards should regularly consider the Cabinet Forward Plan and adjust their programmes when important new matters emerge. Previous Sandwell scrutiny reports explicitly describe scrutiny as member-led and say work programmes should remain fluid so emerging issues can be examined in a timely manner.


That is exactly what should happen now.


There is little point in holding a magnificent scrutiny meeting on Thursday explaining everything that Cabinet approved on Wednesday.


That's not scrutiny.


That's a post-match discussion.


The Forward Plan Should Be An Alarm Bell


This is why I intend to pay far more attention to Sandwell's Forward Plan.


Not because every item represents a scandal.


Most won't.


But because this is where we get an early indication of what is coming.


And that's when residents, opposition councillors, backbench councillors and scrutiny members can start asking questions.


Before decisions.


Before contracts.


Before millions are committed.


Before the press release announcing that everything is marvellous.


The Council has recently been through Government intervention, regulatory problems in housing and a lengthy process of rebuilding governance and assurance.


That means scrutiny should not be regarded as an irritating obstacle to getting things done.


Good scrutiny helps stop things going wrong.


And good councillors shouldn't be frightened of it.


Whether they're Reform, Labour, Green or Independent.


What I'll Be Watching For


When September's reports are finally published, I'll be looking particularly at:


Q1 FINANCES

Are pressures worsening? Are savings real? Are reserves being used? Is capital delivery slipping?


TREASURY MANAGEMENT

What happened to borrowing, debt, investments and interest costs?


HOUSING COMPLIANCE

Has Sandwell genuinely fixed the weaknesses exposed by the regulator, and can it prove it?


COMMUNITY SAFETY

Are there measurable targets rather than another collection of ambitions?


REGIONAL CHILDREN'S SERVICES FUNDING

Who carries the money, risk and accountability?


FUNERAL SERVICES

What does the contract cost and what protections exist for service quality?


LEGACY ARREARS

What information can legally be released and how did the debt arise?


And underneath all of them:


Who scrutinised it before Cabinet?


That's the question I think we should begin asking every time.


A Different Way Of Watching Sandwell


I'll continue following the Forward Plans and forthcoming committee papers and highlighting anything I think deserves closer examination.


Sometimes I'll find a genuine red flag.


Sometimes the report will answer the questions perfectly adequately.


And occasionally – I live in hope – we may even discover something Sandwell Council has done rather well.


I'll report that too.


But the important thing is that residents should not need to discover major decisions several weeks after councillors have approved them.


The information is there.


The trick is knowing where to look.


So consider this the advance warning.


September could be interesting.


And somewhere inside Sandwell Council House, I suspect somebody is already preparing the appendices.


Lots and lots of appendices.


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #ForwardPlan #CouncilScrutiny #LocalGovernment #CouncilFinances #PublicMoney #Housing #CommunitySafety #SEND #Governance #Accountability #Transparency #WestMidlands #SandwellPolitics #ReformUK #WatchThePapers #BeforeTheDecision

Wednesday, 8 July 2026

710 Pages. One Cabinet Meeting. Is This Democracy… or an Endurance Test?

 


710 Pages. One Cabinet Meeting. Is This Democracy… or an Endurance Test?

There's confidence.

There's optimism.

There's wishful thinking.

And then there's believing that elected councillors can properly scrutinise 710 pages of reports, challenge officers, understand every financial implication, ask intelligent questions and make informed decisions... all before one Cabinet meeting.

Welcome to Sandwell.

On Wednesday 15 July, Sandwell's Cabinet will meet to decide the future of services affecting every resident.

Housing.

Roads.

Schools.

SEND.

Anti-social behaviour.

Council finances.

Regeneration.

Pride in Place.

Housing contracts.

School capital.

Corporate performance.

Millions upon millions of pounds of taxpayers' money.

All wrapped up in a 710-page agenda pack.

Not a typo.

Seven hundred and ten pages.

If you fancy having a look yourself—and I genuinely admire your optimism—you can find the agenda here:

Sandwell Cabinet Meeting – 15 July 2026 Agenda

Bring coffee.

Possibly an oxygen tank.

War and Peace? Lightweight.

To put 710 pages into perspective...

You could read George Orwell's 1984.

Then Animal Farm.

Have a sandwich.

Walk the dog.

Cut the grass.

Come back...

...and you'd probably still have another risk register or appendix to get through.

I've seen fewer pages in university dissertations.

I've bought shorter Haynes manuals.

The old Argos catalogue was less intimidating.

At this rate Cabinet Members won't need tablets...

...they'll need forklifts.

Transparency? Or Death by PDF?

Whenever residents complain that councils aren't transparent, the stock answer usually goes something like this:

"Everything is publicly available."

Technically...

Yes.

So are the complete Hansard archives.

Publishing information isn't the same as making it understandable.

Uploading 710 pages to a website doesn't automatically make a council open.

Sometimes it just makes it harder for anyone to see what's actually happening.

It's a bit like hiding a needle...

...inside another needle...

...inside a haystack.

Let's Be Honest... Nobody Can Properly Read This

Here's the uncomfortable truth.

No Cabinet Member can realistically:

  • read 710 pages;

  • understand every legal implication;

  • digest every financial risk;

  • challenge every recommendation;

  • compare every appendix with previous reports;

  • carry out ward casework;

  • answer residents;

  • attend meetings;

  • hold down a job;

  • have something resembling a family life...

...and still turn up fully prepared to debate nineteen substantial reports.

Not Labour.

Not Reform.

Not Conservatives.

Not Independents.

Nobody.

If anyone says they've absorbed every page cover to cover in the time available, they either possess superhuman powers...

...or they're bluffing.

This Isn't Scrutiny. It's Survival.

Cabinet exists for one reason.

To scrutinise.

To challenge.

To test assumptions.

To ask awkward questions.

To say:

"Hang on... have we actually thought this through?"

Instead, meetings increasingly risk becoming:

Approved.

Approved.

Approved.

Noted.

Delegated.

Approved.

Next item.

By page 642 even the strongest councillor is probably wondering whether they accidentally enrolled on an Open University degree in municipal administration.

Meanwhile... Buried Somewhere Around Page 300...

Hidden amongst the mountain of paperwork is something rather inconvenient.

The Council's own performance report.

And guess what?

It's hardly a glowing report card.

Dozens of performance indicators remain red.

Housing is struggling.

Customer services are struggling.

SEND remains under pressure.

Complaints remain high.

Some indicators have stayed red quarter after quarter.

These aren't opposition figures.

They're the Council's own figures.

Yet instead of seeing an overwhelming focus on fixing those problems...

...we get another action plan.

Another strategy.

Another framework.

Another transformation programme.

Another governance structure.

At this rate Sandwell produces more strategies than Netflix produces documentaries.

The Great Delegation Machine

Another phrase appears so often in these reports that it deserves its own loyalty card.

"Delegated Authority."

Approve the principle...

Delegate the detail...

Report back later...

Maybe.

It's becoming Cabinet Bingo.

Tick them off as you go:

☑ Approve

☑ Delegate

☑ Endorse

☑ Framework

☑ Transformation

☑ Partnership

☑ Review

☑ Action Plan

House!

Now, delegation has its place.

No council could function without it.

But there comes a point where residents are entitled to ask:

Exactly what is Cabinet deciding... and what is being quietly handed over afterwards?

Because if every major decision ends with "delegated to officers", what exactly is the democratic value of Cabinet beyond approving the cover sheet?

Quantity Isn't Quality

Somewhere in local government a strange myth has taken hold.

That the thicker the agenda...

...the better the governance.

Rubbish.

A 710-page agenda isn't evidence of openness.

It's evidence of a system drowning in its own paperwork.

Good governance isn't measured in kilograms.

It's measured by whether elected Members have enough time to understand what they're voting on.

Here's a Crazy Suggestion...

Split the agenda.

Hold another Cabinet meeting.

Prioritise genuinely urgent business.

Publish proper executive summaries.

Give Members the chance to actually read, think and challenge.

Because if decisions affecting hundreds of millions of pounds can't justify an extra meeting...

...what exactly can?

The Bigger Problem

This isn't about whether the reports are good or bad.

Many of them contain worthwhile proposals.

This is about whether the process itself is fit for purpose.

Democracy doesn't become stronger because you've uploaded more PDFs.

It becomes stronger when elected Members have the time, confidence and information to properly scrutinise what's put in front of them.

Right now, it feels as though scrutiny is being buried under paperwork.

Not deliberately perhaps.

But effectively.

And there's an old saying...

If you want to hide something, hide it in plain sight.

Or, in local government...

Hide it somewhere around page 487.

One Final Thought

If I handed a university student 710 pages on Monday and expected a properly researched dissertation by Wednesday, they'd laugh.

If I handed a barrister 710 pages the day before a trial, they'd ask the judge for an adjournment.

If I handed a surgeon 710 pages before an operation, you'd probably ask for a second opinion.

Yet somehow we expect councillors—many with full-time jobs, businesses, caring responsibilities and hundreds of residents relying on them—to digest 710 pages of highly technical reports before making decisions affecting every household in Sandwell.

Then we wonder why public confidence in local government isn't exactly soaring.

Good governance isn't about seeing how many reports can be crammed into one meeting. It's about giving elected Members the time, information and confidence to properly challenge decisions before they're made.

If we genuinely want stronger democracy in Sandwell, we need stronger scrutiny—not simply bigger agenda packs.

Because at the moment, this doesn't look like robust local democracy.

It looks like a speed-reading competition sponsored by the printer toner industry... with accountability buried somewhere between Appendix 14 and Annex C.


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #Cabinet #LocalGovernment #Democracy #Scrutiny #Governance #Transparency #Accountability #Housing #SEND #Regeneration #CouncilFinance #CommunityVoice #LocalPolitics

Sunday, 24 May 2026

Sandwell’s Big Theme Machine: Same Council Fog, New Political Test for Reform


Sandwell’s Big Theme Machine: Same Council Fog, New Political Test for Reform

Sandwell Council has apparently organised itself around five shiny theme areas:

Growing up in Sandwell.
Living in Sandwell.
Healthy in Sandwell.
Thriving Economy in Sandwell.
One Council One Team.

Lovely.

It sounds like the sort of thing you would find on a council PowerPoint, probably with soft colours, smiling stock images and a diagram involving arrows pointing confidently at each other.

But as ever with Sandwell, the question is not whether the words sound nice.

The question is: who is actually responsible when things go wrong?

Because residents do not live inside corporate themes. They live with broken housing repairs, unanswered complaints, dirty streets, neglected parks, ASB, SEND pressures, confusing consultations, planning decisions they struggle to influence, and the familiar Sandwell experience of being passed from one department to another like an unwanted parcel.

The council says its current plan runs to 2027 and is built around four strategic themes — Growing up, Living, Healthy and Thriving Economy — all underpinned by One Council One Team.

That may be the official structure.

But the lived reality for many residents is much simpler:

One Council.
Many departments.
Endless confusion.
No obvious owner.

And that is the first big test for the new Reform-controlled council.

The themes sound neat. The council underneath does not.

On paper, the themes are easy enough to understand.

Growing up in Sandwell should cover children, education, safeguarding, SEND, school attendance, young people and corporate parenting.

Living in Sandwell should cover the things residents see and feel every day: housing, repairs, parks, waste, fly-tipping, street cleaning, ASB, neighbourhoods and community safety.

Healthy in Sandwell should cover adult social care, public health, carers, health inequalities, prevention and vulnerable residents.

Thriving Economy in Sandwell should cover regeneration, jobs, business, town centres, planning, investment, infrastructure and the local economy.

One Council One Team should be the glue holding it all together: governance, finance, complaints, customer services, scrutiny, transformation, culture and performance.

So far, so sensible.

But then we reach Sandwell reality.

Services do not sit neatly in one box. Damp and mould is housing, health, children’s welfare, adult social care, repairs, complaints and sometimes legal risk. ASB can be housing, police, neighbourhoods, youth services, public protection and community safety. SEND transport can involve children’s services, education, finance, procurement, transport contracts, families and schools.

So when the council says “One Council One Team”, residents are entitled to ask:

Does that mean joined-up action?
Or does it mean everyone is involved and nobody is responsible?

Because Sandwell has been here before.

Many times.

With a lanyard.

Red flag one: portfolio churn

Cabinet portfolios are supposed to help residents and councillors understand political responsibility.

Who owns housing?
Who owns parks?
Who owns ASB?
Who owns regeneration?
Who owns SEND?
Who owns complaints?
Who owns the resident journey when the system fails?

But when portfolios keep changing, titles shift, responsibilities move, and services are grouped and regrouped under different political headings, public accountability becomes foggy.

One year it is environment. Then neighbourhoods. Then leisure. Then place. Then community. Then regeneration. Then some grander title with “inclusive” or “sustainable” added for decoration.

The council’s Cabinet papers make clear that Cabinet Members have defined portfolio responsibilities.

Fine.

But defined for whom?

For officers who already understand the internal structure?
For councillors who sit through briefings?
Or for the resident trying to work out who is responsible for the park, the fly-tip, the repair, the noise nuisance, the dangerous alleyway or the ignored complaint?

Because if a resident needs a municipal treasure map to find accountability, the structure is already failing.

Red flag two: senior officer churn and directorate reshuffling

This is not just political. It is managerial too.

Sandwell has been through government intervention, commissioner oversight, post-intervention recovery, senior leadership restructuring, directorate changes, service director changes and now a full political change of control.

Government intervention began in March 2022 and ended in March 2024.

That is not ancient history. That is still recent in council terms.

The council itself was still talking in March 2026 about post-intervention improvement and its ambition to continue improving after the end of intervention.

So let us be honest.

Reform has not taken over a stable, simple, well-understood council machine.

It has inherited a council that has spent years rearranging itself, explaining itself, rebuilding itself, reviewing itself and congratulating itself for improving itself.

Now add new political leadership, new Cabinet appointments, new scrutiny dynamics, many new councillors and a public expecting change.

That is not a smooth handover.

That is a governance stress test.

Red flag three: “Place” risks becoming the council’s everything drawer

The word Place sounds harmless.

In council language, however, it often means: “We have put half the visible council under one enormous heading and good luck finding the exact bit you need.”

Housing? Place.
Regeneration? Place.
Parks? Place.
Waste? Place.
Public protection? Place.
Assets? Place.
Town centres? Place.
Planning-related growth? Place.
Environment? Place.

Wonderful.

Just chuck it all in Place.

That may suit internal management charts, but it does not help residents unless the council clearly explains who owns each service inside that huge directorate.

If everything is Place, then Place risks becoming the black hole where accountability goes to have a little lie down.

Reform should demand service-level accountability immediately.

Not “Place will look at it”.

Not “this sits within the wider operating model”.

Not “this aligns with the Council Plan”.

A name.
A portfolio.
A director.
A performance measure.
A public update.

That is the minimum.

Red flag four: performance language can hide failure

Sandwell’s themes should not become a soft cushion for poor performance.

The council says it monitors performance against the Council Plan themes.

Good.

Then publish it in a way residents can understand.

Not a maze of PDFs.
Not obscure committee packs.
Not polished summaries where the bad news is buried under seventeen paragraphs of “progress continues”.

Residents need to see:

What is green?
What is amber?
What is red?
What is getting worse?
Who owns it?
What is the recovery plan?
When will it be fixed?

If housing repairs are poor, say so.

If SEND is under pressure, say so.

If adult social care is struggling, say so.

If regeneration projects are slipping, say so.

If complaints are increasing, say so.

If FOIs are late, say so.

If residents keep reporting the same failures, say so.

The public is not stupid. What annoys people is not just failure. It is failure wrapped in corporate optimism and served with a side order of “lessons will be learned”.

Red flag five: intervention may have ended, but culture does not change by press release

Sandwell leaving government intervention was obviously significant. The council said in March 2024 that ministers had confirmed intervention would end.

Good.

But ending intervention does not magically fix culture.

It does not automatically fix scrutiny.

It does not automatically fix transparency.

It does not automatically fix resident engagement.

It does not automatically fix weak communication.

And it certainly does not mean the new controlling party should simply accept every officer assurance with a grateful smile and a complimentary biscuit.

Reform must remember this:

A council can leave intervention and still retain old habits.

The language may improve.
The charts may improve.
The reports may improve.
The culture may still resist challenge.

That is why the new administration must get to grips with accountability immediately.

Red flag six: Annual Council is not just ceremonial

The Annual Council meeting on 26 May 2026 includes the election of the Leader and approval of executive arrangements, Cabinet portfolios and appointments for 2026/27.

This matters.

Because this is where Reform either starts to clear the fog — or adds another layer to it.

The new Cabinet portfolios must be understandable to the public.

Residents should not have to guess whether a problem belongs to Housing, Environment, Neighbourhoods, Community Safety, Place, Public Health, Customer Services, Regeneration or “One Council One Team”.

The new administration should publish a simple Who Owns What guide.

Not eventually.
Not after a review.
Not when the transformation programme has finished transforming the transformation.

Now.

What Reform needs to do quickly

Reform has won control. That is the easy bit compared with actually running the place.

Now it needs to prove it can govern.

And the first test is clarity.

Reform should demand a public “Who Owns What” map

For every major resident-facing service, the public should be able to see:

Cabinet Member.
Senior officer.
Directorate.
Scrutiny route.
Public contact route.
Performance indicators.
Current red risks.

Housing repairs.
Damp and mould.
Parks.
Waste.
Fly-tipping.
ASB.
SEND.
School transport.
Adult social care.
Public health.
Regeneration.
Planning.
Complaints.
FOI.
Customer services.

Name the owner.

Then publish the performance.

Then update it.

That is not revolutionary. It is basic democratic accountability.

Which is probably why Sandwell has historically found it so difficult.

Reform must not fall into Labour’s old trap

The old Labour machine in Sandwell loved the language of plans, partnerships, strategies, boards, frameworks and reviews.

Everything was always being aligned, embedded, strengthened, developed, refreshed or transformed.

Meanwhile, residents were often left asking the same question:

Who is actually sorting this?

Reform must not simply put new names on the same fog.

Do not rename portfolios unless residents can understand them.

Do not accept “cross-cutting” as an answer.

Do not allow “partnership working” to become a hiding place.

Do not let Place become an accountability warehouse.

Do not let officers bury red risks in polished reports.

Do not let public commitments vanish when personnel change.

Do not let scrutiny become a theatre of polite nodding.

And above all, do not confuse being in control of the council chamber with being in control of the council machine.

They are not the same thing.

The big danger for Reform

Reform has a majority, but it also has a lot of new councillors, a steep learning curve and residents expecting visible change fast.

If Reform does not grip the council structure quickly, officers will run rings around them with process.

Not necessarily maliciously. That is just what large organisations do. They absorb change, slow it down, translate it into internal language, and send it to a board to be reviewed by a group that reports to another group.

Then, three months later, everyone agrees that “progress is being made”.

Residents, meanwhile, are still waiting for the repair, the answer, the clean-up, the enforcement, the transport, the decision, the callback.

Reform needs to get ahead of that.

The first demand should be simple:

Show us the red risks.
Show us the missed targets.
Show us the complaints.
Show us the officer owners.
Show us the Cabinet owners.
Show us the recovery plans.
Show us what residents can see publicly.

No fog.
No waffle.
No corporate incense.

The test is brutally simple

Can a resident look at Sandwell Council’s website and understand who is responsible for a service?

Can a councillor quickly find the officer owner for a problem?

Can a scrutiny board see what is red, what is worsening and what is being done?

Can a community group track promises made to them?

Can a tenant see housing repair performance?

Can a parent see SEND transport accountability?

Can residents see whether regeneration promises are actually being delivered?

If the answer is no, then the themes are not accountability.

They are wallpaper.

Final word

Sandwell’s themes may sound pleasant enough.

Growing up.
Living.
Healthy.
Thriving.
One Council One Team.

Very nice.

But Sandwell does not need another collection of cheerful headings.

It needs visible responsibility.

It needs public dashboards.

It needs named owners.

It needs proper scrutiny.

It needs honest red-risk reporting.

It needs residents to stop being bounced around a system that appears to understand itself far better than it serves the public.

Reform now has the wheel.

The question is whether it will drive the council — or be driven by it.

Because if “One Council One Team” means joined-up action, brilliant.

But if it means everyone involved and nobody accountable, then residents will quickly discover that Sandwell has not changed at all.

It has simply changed the badge on the fog machine.

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Sandwell Council has published another News & Events Update, and once again there is quite a lot in it.

Sandwell Council has published another News & Events Update, and once again there is quite a lot in it. Some of it is genuin...