Monday, 17 August 2026

Labour’s Great British Squeeze: Tax More, Spend More, Borrow More — Then Ask Us for More


Labour’s Great British Squeeze: Tax More, Spend More, Borrow More — Then Ask Us for More

There are plenty of memes flying around at the moment telling us that if we earn it, spend it, save it, invest it, drive it, eat it or eventually fall off our perch, somebody somewhere in government will find a way of taxing it.

They are funny because, like most decent satire, there is enough truth buried underneath the exaggeration to make people wince.

But I don't particularly want to base an argument against this Labour Government on memes.

Why bother?

The official figures are quite capable of doing the job themselves.

The more I have looked into Labour's record, the less need there is for wild claims, conspiracy theories or Facebook folklore.

There is a perfectly serious case to answer about taxation, borrowing, spending, immigration, pensions, businesses, elections and the simple matter of whether the British public are getting anything remotely resembling value for the enormous sums of money being taken from them.

So, in the finest tradition of the Yellow Pages — for younger readers, ask your grandparents — here is my alphabetical trawl through Labour's Great British Squeeze.

Put the kettle on.

This may take a while.


A IS FOR AGRICULTURE

Remember the row over inheritance tax and farms?

Labour originally proposed restricting full Agricultural Property Relief and Business Property Relief to the first £1 million of qualifying assets.

Farmers pointed out that a farm can be worth a considerable amount on paper without its owner sitting in the kitchen bathing in champagne and £50 notes.

Cue protests.

Cue outrage.

Cue ministers explaining that everybody else had apparently misunderstood the policy.

And eventually?

Cue the retreat.

From April 2026 the full relief threshold was increased to £2.5 million per person, potentially £5 million between spouses or civil partners, before taking other relevant allowances into consideration.

That is a significant improvement on what Labour originally proposed.

But I refuse to join in the modern Westminster habit of congratulating governments for partially putting out fires they started themselves.

It's rather like somebody driving through your garden wall, reversing out and then expecting applause because they didn't demolish the conservatory as well.


A IS ALSO FOR ASYLUM

Labour has promised action on the Channel.

We have heard about smashing the gangs.

We have heard about enforcement.

We have heard about international cooperation.

We have heard quite a lot, actually.

Unfortunately the boats have continued arriving while we have been listening.

In the week ending 9 August 2026 alone the Home Office recorded 716 arrivals in ten boats.

Returns have increased, and it would be dishonest not to acknowledge that.

But the uncomfortable question remains:

Does the British state actually control its border?

Because control is not measured by how many times a minister says the word control.

It is measured by results.

And when thousands of people continue making irregular crossings while removals operate on a much smaller scale, there is still rather a large elephant sitting in the Home Office reception.

Probably filling out a consultation form.


B IS FOR BORROWING

Here is a number worth contemplating over your cornflakes:

£2.9899 trillion.

That was public-sector net debt at the end of June 2026.

In old-fashioned language:

nearly three trillion pounds.

That's roughly 94.9% of GDP.

Now here is the part I find especially interesting.

We are continually told that taxes have to rise because the public finances must be repaired.

Fair enough.

So why, while government is extracting an historically enormous amount of money from the population, are we still carrying enormous debt and borrowing?

At some point taxpayers are entitled to ask:

How exactly have we managed to combine high taxation with high spending and high debt?

Normally you would hope one of those things might reduce one of the others.

Apparently Britain has developed the deluxe package.


B IS ALSO FOR BUSINESS

Labour says it wants growth.

Quite right too.

It wants businesses to expand.

Excellent.

It wants employers to create jobs.

Splendid.

And then it increased employer National Insurance from 13.8% to 15% and lowered the threshold at which employers start paying it from £9,100 to £5,000.

There is something magnificently Whitehall about telling employers:

«Please employ more people.»

and then adding:

«Incidentally, we've made employing people more expensive.»

Businesses cannot create money in a photocopier.

Higher employment costs eventually appear somewhere.

Prices.

Margins.

Pay.

Recruitment.

Investment.

Or all of the above.

Government can describe it as a tax on employers until the cows come home.

The employer still has to find the money.

---

C IS FOR CAPITAL GAINS

Labour increased the main lower Capital Gains Tax rate from 10% to 18%, and the higher rate from 20% to 24%.

Business Asset Disposal Relief has also become less generous.

We hear constantly that Britain needs entrepreneurs.

Risk takers.

Investors.

People prepared to build businesses.

Very good.

But entrepreneurship generally involves somebody risking their own money, time and security while government risks absolutely none of those things.

If the business collapses, the Treasury doesn't normally send round a chap with a sympathy card and half the losses.

But if it succeeds?

Ah.

Suddenly everyone is family.

---

C IS ALSO FOR CASH ISAs

From April 2027, Labour plans to restrict the cash element of an ISA to £12,000 for most people under 65, while retaining the overall ISA allowance.

There are economic arguments for encouraging people to invest rather than leave everything sitting in cash.

But I can't help noticing how often government lectures people about personal responsibility and then becomes remarkably interested in directing what they do once they actually behave responsibly.

Save for yourself.

But not like that.

Invest.

But preferably how we'd like you to.

Make provision for your future.

But please consult the Treasury's latest behavioural preferences first.

Sometimes I wonder whether the Treasury secretly dreams of being everybody's financial adviser.

Only one that sends you the bill afterwards.

---

D IS FOR DEBT

Debt deserves another mention because it exposes the contradiction at the centre of the whole thing.

Britain has:

high taxes;

high spending;

high borrowing;

and high debt.

It is difficult to look at that combination and conclude everything is going swimmingly.

If taxation were soaring while debt was collapsing, ministers could argue that painful medicine was repairing the books.

But taxation is rising while the state remains enormously indebted.

So the taxpayer gets today's bill.

Future taxpayers inherit tomorrow's.

It's intergenerational generosity, Westminster-style.

---

E IS FOR ELECTRIC CARS

For years government encouraged motorists to buy electric cars.

Help save the planet.

Move away from petrol and diesel.

Enjoy the tax advantages.

Very environmentally virtuous.

Then enough people bought electric cars for the Treasury to notice something alarming:

fuel-duty receipts eventually decline if people stop buying fuel.

Fear not.

From April 2028 Labour intends to introduce mileage-based Electric Vehicle Excise Duty.

The proposed rates are 3p per mile for fully electric cars and 1.5p for plug-in hybrids.

And thus we discover one of the immutable laws of British government:

If Whitehall encourages you to do something successfully enough, the Treasury will eventually find a way of taxing it.

---

F IS FOR FISCAL DRAG

This is one of Westminster's cleverer tricks.

Don't increase the headline income-tax rate.

Simply freeze the thresholds.

Allow wages to rise with inflation.

Gradually pull more people into taxation and more taxpayers into higher bands.

Then stand at the despatch box saying:

We haven't increased the basic rate of income tax.

Technically true.

Financially rather less comforting.

Labour did not invent this.

The Conservatives started the threshold freeze.

That should be made perfectly clear.

But Labour inherited the machine and apparently decided it was much too useful to turn off.

The Office for Budget Responsibility expects frozen thresholds to raise tens of billions.

A stealth tax is still a tax even if nobody cuts a ribbon when it opens.

---

F IS ALSO FOR FRANCE

Remember "one in, one out"?

Beautifully simple slogan.

By 30 June 2026, 1,087 people had been returned from Britain to France under the arrangement.

Meanwhile 1,117 people had entered Britain legally from France through the reciprocal route.

Now, before somebody gets excited, the agreement was always reciprocal.

So the mere fact that slightly more people had come legally into Britain than had been returned does not prove some grand betrayal.

But here is the rather more serious question:

Does a returns mechanism operating in the low thousands remotely match the scale of Channel crossings?

It may be a tool.

A teaspoon is also a tool.

You wouldn't use one to empty Birmingham's canal network.

---

G IS FOR GROWTH

Growth.

Growth.

Growth.

If Labour ministers said "growth" much more often I'm half expecting it to appear on National Lottery scratchcards.

Everything is apparently being done for growth.

Tax rises bring stability, which brings growth.

Infrastructure will bring growth.

Planning reform will bring growth.

Investment brings growth.

More government schemes will bring growth.

Wonderful.

At some point, however, growth has to become something more tangible than a word printed on Treasury slides.

People need to feel it.

Businesses need to see it.

Living standards need to reflect it.

Productivity has to improve.

Investment has to follow.

Government cannot simply chant "growth" over the economy like an incantation.

The economy isn't Beetlejuice.

---

I IS FOR INHERITANCE TAX AND PENSIONS

From April 2027, most unused pension funds and death benefits are due to be brought within estates for inheritance-tax purposes.

Now let's get one thing straight.

The online claim that Labour will simply take 40% of everybody's pension when they die is nonsense.

Not every estate pays inheritance tax.

Thresholds and exemptions matter.

But the underlying policy change is absolutely real.

And there is something rather dispiriting about the sequence.

Work.

Pay tax.

Save.

Build a pension.

Make provision for yourself.

Try not to become dependent upon the state.

Then discover that the state has found another way of taking an interest in the accumulated pot.

It sometimes feels as though personal responsibility is greatly admired in Britain right up until it produces an asset.

---

L IS FOR LABOUR MARKET

UK unemployment stood at around 4.9% in March to May 2026.

That isn't economic Armageddon.

But nor should ministers become too comfortable.

Labour has increased the cost of employment while simultaneously declaring economic growth its overriding objective.

Jobs are overwhelmingly created by businesses, not government press offices.

Every additional cost placed on employers eventually feeds into decisions about whether to take another person on.

Politicians announce job creation.

Employers actually sign the payslips.

The distinction is worth remembering.

---

L IS ALSO FOR LOCAL ELECTIONS

This one should concern people whatever their politics.

Local elections were postponed in some areas in 2025 because of reorganisation.

Then the Government proposed postponing elections in 30 councils in May 2026.

Legal proceedings followed.

Legal advice followed.

And the Government reversed its position.

One claim circulating online says Labour lost a court case.

It didn't.

The decision was reversed before a final judgment.

But why embellish something that is already troubling?

The Government proposed delaying millions of people's opportunity to vote in local elections.

Then, after legal challenge and legal advice, it changed course.

Elections are not an optional administrative accessory.

They are the bit where the public get to tell politicians what they think of them.

Possibly why politicians should be exceptionally reluctant to postpone them.

---

N IS FOR NHS

Here's somewhere Labour can point to some genuine improvement.

By March 2026 around 65.3% of patients were waiting no longer than 18 weeks for elective treatment, an improvement from the position Labour inherited.

Good.

Credit where it is due.

Unfortunately the NHS constitutional standard is above 92%.

So yes, things have improved.

But perhaps hold off commissioning the brass band.

If Britain is paying historically enormous amounts of tax, taxpayers are entitled to expect services that don't merely improve from poor to somewhat less poor.

The question isn't simply:

Is it better than before?

It should also be:

Is it anywhere near good enough for what we are paying?

---

P IS FOR PENSIONS

From April 2029 Labour plans to restrict the amount of pension contribution made through salary sacrifice that receives National Insurance relief to £2,000 a year.

Again, another future measure rather than something happening today.

But I struggle with the policy logic.

Britain has an ageing population.

Governments tell people to make better private provision for retirement.

Then government gradually reduces the incentives for making private provision.

Maybe next year they'll launch a campaign:

SAVE FOR YOUR FUTURE — TERMS AND CONDITIONS SUBJECT TO WHATEVER THE TREASURY THINKS IN THREE YEARS' TIME.

Catchy.

---

P IS ALSO FOR PRIVATE SCHOOLS

Since January 2025, private school fees have been subject to 20% VAT.

Charitable business-rates relief was also removed.

People can argue endlessly about private education.

Fine.

But let's at least describe the policy accurately.

It is another extension of taxation.

Parents choosing independent education generally still pay the same taxes supporting state education while not taking a state-funded school place.

Labour's answer was to place VAT on the fees.

Supporters call that fairness.

Critics see a government spotting another area of private spending and thinking:

Ooh. Revenue.

Take your pick.

---

P IS ALSO FOR PUBLIC SPENDING

This is where my eyebrows begin trying to leave my forehead.

Britain isn't a country in which government has no money.

Government receipts run to well over a trillion pounds every year.

Government then spends even more.

And borrows the difference.

Yet almost every national problem seems eventually to produce the same answer:

More money.

NHS struggling?

More money.

Councils struggling?

More money.

Defence?

More money.

Infrastructure?

More money.

Energy?

More money.

Another government programme to explain why previous government programmes haven't worked?

Probably more money.

Eventually taxpayers are entitled to ask a fairly basic question:

WHAT ARE YOU DOING WITH THE MONEY YOU ALREADY HAVE?

Because there comes a point where "underfunding" cannot be the universal explanation for every badly performing public body.

Sometimes management is poor.

Sometimes productivity is poor.

Sometimes priorities are wrong.

Sometimes money is wasted.

And sometimes politicians are simply much better at spending other people's money than explaining what happened to it afterwards.

---

T IS FOR TAX

Now we arrive at the star of the show.

The Office for Budget Responsibility forecasts National Accounts taxes rising from around 34.5% of GDP in 2024/25 to 38.5% by 2030/31.

A post-war record.

Labour didn't create Britain's high-tax economy from scratch.

The Conservatives made a substantial contribution to getting us here, and pretending otherwise would simply be dishonest.

But what did Labour do when it inherited an already enormous tax burden?

Did it begin dismantling it?

No.

It added more.

Employer National Insurance.

Capital Gains Tax changes.

Inheritance-tax changes.

VAT on private school fees.

Continuing fiscal drag.

Further pension and motoring taxation in the pipeline.

Labour inherited a tax mountain.

Then sent for the builders.

---

U IS FOR U-TURNS

Farm inheritance tax.

Winter Fuel Payment.

Local elections.

And various other retreats and revisions.

Governments should change policy when policies are wrong.

I'm not criticising anybody merely for admitting a mistake.

But there is a difference between being responsive and repeatedly driving into a wall before discovering reverse gear.

The pattern often seems to be:

announce;

defend;

tell critics they're wrong;

discover critics have a point;

retreat;

announce that government is listening.

Perhaps a little more listening at Stage One could save quite a lot of Stage Five.

---

V IS FOR VAT

The meme saying "if you spend it, they tax it" is obviously an exaggeration.

Not everything attracts VAT.

Most basic food is zero-rated.

Many transactions are exempt.

But memes work when people recognise something underneath them.

And people do.

Earn.

Tax.

Employ somebody.

Tax.

Buy things.

Tax.

Run a business.

Tax.

Invest.

Potential tax.

Sell an asset at a gain.

Potential tax.

Own property.

More taxes and charges.

Leave a sufficiently large estate.

Tax again.

Not everyone pays all of those.

But British citizens increasingly feel that the state appears at an extraordinary number of stages between earning money and eventually passing it on.

With the tax burden heading towards a post-war record, that feeling isn't entirely the product of somebody's imagination.

---

W IS FOR WELFARE

One widely shared statistic says welfare spending now exceeds income-tax receipts.

There is a numerical basis for comparing those figures, but context matters enormously.

The welfare figure includes the State Pension.

Income tax is only one source of government revenue.

So no, Britain isn't simply taking £331 billion from workers and handing £333 billion to people sitting at home watching daytime television.

That is rubbish.

But there is still an enormous fiscal challenge.

An ageing population.

Growing pension costs.

Long-term sickness.

Economic inactivity.

A vast social-security budget.

The serious question is:

How do we sustain a humane safety net without making those who work, employ, save and invest carry an ever-growing burden?

That is a much harder question than shouting "benefits".

And Labour needs an answer that consists of something more imaginative than reaching deeper into the same taxpayers' pockets.

---

W IS ALSO FOR WINTER FUEL

Labour restricted Winter Fuel Payment.

There was a massive political backlash.

Labour then substantially reversed course.

So anyone saying today that Labour simply abolished Winter Fuel Payment is using an outdated line.

But the actual story is hardly flattering.

The Government introduced a highly controversial restriction.

Defended it.

Took an absolute political kicking.

Then retreated.

You can call that listening.

I suspect many pensioners might use a slightly different phrase.

---

SO WHAT ARE WE LEFT WITH?

This is the interesting part.

Throw away the dodgy social-media claims.

Throw away conspiracy theories.

Throw away the things that haven't been properly evidenced.

Throw away policies inherited from the Conservatives that are wrongly blamed solely on Labour.

Throw away future taxes presented as though they were already in force.

And what remains?

A heck of a lot.

A Labour Government presiding over a tax burden heading towards a post-war record.

Debt hovering around £3 trillion.

Higher employer National Insurance.

Higher Capital Gains Tax.

VAT on private school fees.

Inheritance-tax changes affecting pensions.

Future restrictions on pension salary sacrifice.

A future mileage tax for electric cars.

Frozen thresholds quietly pulling more people into tax.

A small-boats problem far from solved.

A France returns scheme operating at a scale that looks distinctly modest beside the overall problem.

Local elections Labour wanted to postpone before reversing course after legal pressure.

Enormous public spending.

Enormous borrowing.

And public services which, while improving in some areas, remain nowhere near the standard one might reasonably expect from a country taking such an enormous share of national income in taxation.

You don't need a conspiracy theory.

You need a calculator.

---

THE QUESTION LABOUR SHOULD BE ASKED AGAIN AND AGAIN

For me, it comes down to one thing:

WHERE IS THE MONEY GOING?

If the tax burden is heading towards 38.5% of GDP, where is the transformation?

If national debt is around £3 trillion, where is the transformation?

If government is spending more than it raises and borrowing the difference, where is the transformation?

Where are the public services functioning so brilliantly that the public thinks:

"You know what? Fair enough. Worth every penny."

Where is the visibly controlled border?

Where is the dramatic productivity improvement?

Where is the infrastructure revolution?

Where are the local services that make people gasp in admiration rather than sit on hold listening to Greensleeves for forty minutes?

Where is the prosperity ordinary families can actually feel?

Where is the state so efficient that taxpayers begrudgingly admit:

"They don't half spend it well."

Because if you demand record levels of taxation, the public has every right to demand record levels of competence.

---

AND PLEASE, STOP BLAMING THE LAST LOT FOREVER

Labour inherited a mess in a number of areas.

Absolutely.

The Conservatives left office with high debt, high taxation, enormous NHS pressures and serious structural problems.

That is part of the historical record.

But "the last Government" cannot become a four-year substitute for governing.

Every month Labour remains in office, Labour owns more of what happens.

Every Budget is Labour's.

Every tax change Labour chooses is Labour's.

Every spending priority is Labour's.

Every policy it announces and then reverses is Labour's.

Every opportunity to reform government that it declines is Labour's.

Eventually the stabilisers have to come off.

---

TAX MORE. SPEND MORE. BORROW MORE.

Perhaps the original meme needs updating.

Not:

If you earn it, they tax it.

That's too simplistic.

How about this?

You earn it.
They tax some of it.

You employ somebody.
They tax that too.

You invest successfully.
The Treasury takes an interest.

You save for retirement.
The rules change.

You buy the electric car government encouraged you to buy.
A mileage tax eventually arrives.

You build up assets.
Inheritance-tax policy changes.

Government spends the tax.

Then government spends some more.

Then government borrows the difference.

Then government explains that public services need more money.

Then comes another Budget.

At which point the taxpayer nervously checks whether the Chancellor has noticed anything else they own.

Perhaps Labour's economic strategy could therefore be condensed into five simple lines:

TAX MORE.

SPEND MORE.

BORROW MORE.

PROMISE MORE.

DELIVER TOO LITTLE.

And when somebody asks why the sums still don't add up?

Apparently there is always another black hole waiting to be discovered.

Funny, that.

The only hole that never seems difficult to locate is the one in the taxpayer's pocket.

---

Sources used in checking the figures and policies discussed above include HM Government and GOV.UK publications, the Office for Budget Responsibility, Office for National Statistics, Home Office, NHS England and House of Commons Library.

As ever, if somebody can demonstrate that a figure or factual statement is wrong, I am more than happy to correct it. Political opinion is fair game. Facts should remain facts.

#Labour #LabourGovernment #UKPolitics #Tax #TaxBurden #CostOfLiving #PublicSpending #NationalDebt #Borrowing #FiscalDrag #NationalInsurance #CapitalGainsTax #InheritanceTax #Pensions #SmallBoats #Immigration #NHS #LocalDemocracy #WinterFuelPayment #ElectricVehicles #Business #EconomicGrowth #PublicServices #GovernmentSpending #Taxpayer #Westminster #PoliticalAccountability #GovernmentAccountability #BritishPolitics #ValueForMoney


Saturday, 15 August 2026

Sandwell Council has been busy again.


Sandwell Council has been busy again.

The latest Sandwell News & Events Update, issued on 14 August 2026, landed with the usual colourful mixture of useful public information, community activities, council achievements and enough things to do to keep most of us occupied until the clocks go back.

And, to be fair, there is quite a lot to like.

There are important warnings about deliberately started fires, advice around water safety, help for young people receiving exam results, vaccination information, free swimming, holiday activities, allotments, events, healthy-living opportunities and support services.

That is exactly what a council newsletter should be doing.

Nobody needs a 94-page committee report when what they actually want to know is whether the kids can swim for free on Tuesday afternoon.

So credit where credit is due.

But regular readers will know that I tend to suffer from a terrible affliction.

I read the small print.

And occasionally I even click the links.


Welcome to Sandwell's digital newspaper

First, a little housekeeping.

I originally thought we'd discussed this particular bulletin before.

We had.

Sort of.

It turns out “Your latest Sandwell news and events update” is essentially Sandwell Council's recurring GovDelivery newsletter title rather than the name of one particular campaign.

Think of it as the online cousin of the Sandwell Herald.

The format has been around for years and generally follows a familiar recipe:

Take one part useful information.

Add two cups of council activity.

Sprinkle generously with events.

Add councillors where available.

Finish with a photograph of something wholesome.

Bake until positive.

And, generally speaking, it works.

The interesting question is not whether councils should tell us what they are doing.

Of course they should.

The question is whether they tell us how well it worked as enthusiastically as they tell us that it happened.


Safer 6: lots happened

The latest bulletin celebrates Safer 6, Sandwell's six-week community-safety campaign.

The published headline figures are impressive enough:

50-plus events.
More than 5,000 people reached.
Seven partners involved.

That's certainly activity.

And there is plenty of genuine partnership work behind it involving the council, police, fire service, community organisations and others.

But here's my slightly boring question.

What does “5,000 people reached” actually mean?

Someone walked past a stall?

Someone accepted a leaflet?

Someone had a twenty-minute conversation?

Someone reported antisocial behaviour?

Someone received support?

Someone's neighbourhood subsequently became safer?

Those are very different things.

This isn't criticism of Safer 6.

It's actually an argument for showing us more.

Because:

50 events tells us what happened.

5,000 people reached tells us the size of the audience.

But neither necessarily tells us what changed.

So perhaps future Safer 6 reports could include:

What we did → What happened → What difference it made.

That would turn a good publicity figure into useful public accountability.


Meanwhile, Griff and Cooper have entered the building

One of the newsletter's stars is undoubtedly Trading Standards detection dogs Griff and Cooper, pictured visiting Sandwell Council House.

Apparently they received plenty of fuss.

Quite right too.

Any creature voluntarily entering a council building deserves a biscuit.

And I have absolutely no objection to councils occasionally communicating through something more entertaining than “Appendix 4B – Revised Corporate Risk Register”.

Dogs get attention.

Attention gets people reading.

That's communications.

But the really interesting story behind Griff and Cooper is enforcement.

How many operations?

How many premises?

How many illegal goods seized?

What value?

How many prosecutions, closures or other enforcement actions resulted?

Keep the dogs.

Just put the scoreboard underneath them.


Food waste – surprisingly solid

The newsletter also says that an average family could be wasting around £1,000 a year in food.

My first reaction was roughly:

“£1,000? Who's throwing away the lobster?”

But the figure stacks up against national food-waste research.

So fair play to Sandwell here.

The council is also running a Food Waste Survey, which seems perfectly reasonable.

The important bit comes later.

How many people responded?

Where were they from?

What did they say?

What changes as a result?

Because one of my recurring bugbears with public consultation is the phrase:

“Residents told us…”

Whenever I see that, my inner anorak immediately asks:

Which residents?

Three?

Thirty?

Three thousand?

And were two of them councillors?


Now for the curious omission

And this is where things get rather more interesting.

At the same time that the newsletter was promoting the Food Waste Survey, Sandwell had other significant consultations running.

Including the early consultation on the new Sandwell Local Plan.

For anyone unfamiliar with local government terminology, the Local Plan is rather important.

It deals with things such as:

housing;

development;

employment land;

infrastructure;

the environment;

climate;

healthy communities;

and broadly speaking what gets built where across Sandwell for years to come.

Rather more consequential than whether I've got three suspicious carrots in the bottom drawer of the fridge.

Yet the Local Plan consultation didn't feature in this particular general News & Events Update.

Nor, apparently, did the council's live housing Asset Management Delivery Strategy consultation, dealing with areas including repairs, maintenance, building safety, investment and value for money.

To be clear:

I am not alleging anybody deliberately hid them.

They may have been promoted elsewhere.

They may appear in another bulletin.

But from a critical-friend perspective this seems an obvious communications improvement.

Why not have a permanent section in every newsletter called:

HAVE YOUR SAY

And list every major live council consultation?

No hunting around.

No discovering it three days before closing.

No requiring residents to develop the investigative skills of Sherlock Holmes combined with someone who understands the council website search function.

Just put them there.

Every time.


Friday night at the market

The bulletin also advertises free live music at the new West Bromwich Indoor Market.

Again, I don't have an issue with that.

The redevelopment specifically set out to create more than simply rows of stalls. Food, culture, entertainment and activity were part of the concept.

That makes sense.

Town centres need reasons for people to stay rather than simply arrive, purchase one cabbage and immediately catch the bus home.

The question here is value for money.

After the programme has had time to establish itself, it would be useful to know:

Does Friday-evening footfall rise?

Do traders benefit?

Do people stay longer?

Does the food offer benefit?

What does the entertainment programme cost?

Because the right question isn't:

“Why are they putting singers in a market?”

It's:

“Is putting singers in the market helping make the town centre work?”

Very different question.


Community groups: give them their names back

One thing Sandwell has done rather well in some earlier newsletters is recognising the enormous contribution made by voluntary and community organisations.

That's important.

Councils don't deliver everything.

Nor should they.

Charities, residents' groups, faith organisations, volunteers, neighbourhood organisations, sports groups and local businesses often do tremendous work.

Sometimes council communications condense all of that into:

“The council and its partners…”

Poor old partners.

Years of volunteering and they've become two words at the end of a sentence.

Where community organisations genuinely helped deliver something, name them.

It costs nothing.

And “Sandwell Council enabled local organisations to deliver great things” is every bit as positive a story as:

“Sandwell Council did everything.”


Then there's the Sandwell Herald

The printed Sandwell Herald is the bigger, glossier relative of the email bulletin.

Again, there is plenty of genuinely useful material in it.

Safety information.

Events.

Services.

Activities.

Contact information.

Community initiatives.

But its corporate tone is noticeably stronger.

The Summer 2026 edition celebrates things including Safer 6, business activity, improvements, the council's national recognition and the new Cabinet.

Nothing inherently wrong with celebrating achievement.

The slightly delicate point following the May election is that much of Sandwell's performance during 2025/26 occurred before the new Reform administration took office.

So communications need to retain a little historical discipline.

Good inherited performance doesn't suddenly become something achieved since May.

Likewise, problems inherited in May weren't suddenly created by the new administration either.

A new administration inherits both the silverware and the washing-up.

What happens next is what it can properly be judged on.


Sandwell already shows it can do candour

Here's perhaps the most encouraging thing I found.

Some of Sandwell's specialist communications are actually considerably more open about challenges.

The council's SEND communications, for example, have acknowledged that despite progress there remains “a long way to go”, as well as discussing service pressure, workforce difficulties and financial constraints.

That's good communication.

It doesn't make the council look weak.

It makes the council look credible.

Residents don't expect everything to be perfect.

Most of us have met Sandwell.

What people increasingly want is:

What's going well?

What's going badly?

Why?

And what are you doing about it?

Imagine a little section in the News & Events Update:

HOW WE'RE DOING

✅ One thing improving.

⚠️ One thing requiring improvement.

🔧 What we're doing about it.

That might do more for public trust than another photograph of someone holding an oversized ceremonial cheque.


So is the newsletter any good?

Actually, yes.

That's probably not the conclusion some people expected.

The latest Sandwell News & Events Update contains plenty of genuinely useful information.

Someone may avoid starting a fire because of it.

Someone may seek help following difficult exam results.

A family may find free activities.

A child may receive a vaccination.

Someone may discover a community activity they didn't know existed.

That's meaningful public value.

My criticism is therefore not:

Stop telling us good things.

It is:

Tell us the whole story more often.

Tell us what happened.

Tell us how much happened.

Tell us what it cost where appropriate.

Tell us what changed.

Tell us who helped.

Tell us how many residents actually responded.

Tell us when something hasn't worked.

And please, if you're asking residents what Sandwell should look like for the next twenty years…

put the Local Plan consultation somewhere between the dogs and the Motown.

That shouldn't be too much to ask.

Because good council communications shouldn't simply leave residents thinking:

“Sandwell has been busy.”

They should leave us understanding:

“Sandwell has been busy, here's what it achieved, here's what didn't work, and here's where you can influence what happens next.”

That would make a pretty good newsletter.

And I promise Griff and Cooper can still have their photograph.

#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #SandwellNews #SandwellHerald #LocalGovernment #CouncilCommunications #Transparency #Accountability #CommunityEngagement #PublicConsultation #HaveYourSay #SandwellLocalPlan #Safer6 #CommunitySafety #WestBromwich #WestBromwichMarket #TradingStandards #ValueForMoney #SummerOfFun #VoluntarySector #CriticalFriend

Pride in Place, Power in a Subgroup? Smethwick’s £20 Million Question


Pride in Place, Power in a Subgroup? Smethwick’s £20 Million Question

A very long read about community power, public money, three-person subgroups, disappearing distinctions between “approve” and “note”, and why the paperwork matters

LONG READ WARNING: This is not a three-paragraph Facebook rant.

This one involves Government guidance, Sandwell Council reports, Partnership Board minutes, Internal Audit, grant applications, delegations, boundaries, £592,000 of first-year funding and ultimately a programme worth up to £20 million over ten years.

So put the kettle on.

Make a sandwich.

Possibly inform your next of kin.

If you reach the end without once shouting “but who actually makes the decision?” at the screen, you have considerably greater tolerance for local-government governance documents than I do.

---

First, a very important ground rule

Before getting into this, I want to make something absolutely clear.

I have no special access to Sandwell Council.

I don't sit on the Smethwick Partnership Board.

I don't attend its private meetings.

I don't receive its confidential papers.

I don't know what advice may have been provided privately by lawyers, Internal Audit, the Monitoring Officer, the Section 151 Officer or the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government.

I see what everybody else sees.

The public record.

And that is exactly the record I am examining here.

If there is an unpublished document which answers one of the questions raised below, wonderful.

Publish it.

If there is an approved Scheme of Delegation which explains everything, even better.

Publish that too.

But we cannot reasonably be expected to fill gaps in the public record by imagining that somewhere, in an office cupboard guarded by a particularly fierce stapler, sits a piece of paper which makes everything alright.

Nor should we assume the opposite.

So this article distinguishes carefully between:

what the documents prove; what they suggest; what deserves explanation; and what is not proven at all.

That isn't being awkward.

It's called scrutiny.

---

What Pride in Place is supposed to be

The Government describes Pride in Place as a programme designed to transfer meaningful influence to local communities.

Smethwick can receive up to £20 million of funding and support over ten years. Nationally, the whole point is that local people help determine priorities rather than everything being decided from Whitehall or the council house. The Government prospectus says Neighbourhood Boards made up of local people are to decide how the money is invested.

The current Smethwick website says something equally encouraging:

«the programme puts power “in our hands as a community” and is designed so people who live and work in Smethwick lead the setting of priorities and shaping of projects.»

Excellent.

I support that.

But once you use phrases like community-led, local control and public money, some awkward questions inevitably follow.

Who actually controls it?

Who makes the decisions?

Who can vote?

Who can overrule whom?

Where are those decisions recorded?

Can residents scrutinise them?

And, above all:

does the machinery underneath the slogan match what the slogan promises?

That is where this gets interesting.

---

Some good news first — because this isn't a demolition job

There is quite a bit about Smethwick's programme which appears sensible.

There is an established Partnership Board with representatives from business, community organisations, faith organisations, education, policing, the local MP, councillors and other bodies. The August agenda identifies Alan Taylor as Chair and lists a broad membership.

Government requires a Neighbourhood Board to have at least eight members, with at least 51% living or working within the neighbourhood, an independent Chair, the local MP and at least one councillor. It also expects broad community representation.

Smethwick's own governance documents build that 51% requirement into the structure.

Can I independently prove from the published information that 51% of the current individuals actually live or work inside the defined area?

No.

Their home and employment circumstances are not all publicly evidenced in sufficient detail.

That does not mean the requirement is being breached.

It means the public record doesn't allow me independently to verify it.

There's a difference.

Likewise, Smethwick undertook substantial community engagement before its Regeneration Plan was approved by Government.

So this article is not going to claim the programme sprang fully formed from a committee room while residents were kept in a cupboard.

It didn't.

There was genuine engagement.

The harder question is what happens now, when consultation turns into decisions and money begins to move.

Government guidance is clear that community involvement isn't supposed to end when somebody publishes a consultation report.

It expects engagement to be deep, broad, sustained and ongoing, and says Boards must go back to communities, explain what has happened, show how priorities have been considered and create space for people to hold the Board to account and scrutinise delivery.

That is the test we now need to apply.

---

The first-year money

For 2026/27, Smethwick has £592,000 available.

That consists of:

£92,000 ring-fenced for smaller “quick win” projects identified through the earlier engagement work, and £500,000 through the main grant application process offering grants of between £500 and £25,000. The £500,000 itself is split £268,000 capital and £232,000 revenue.

So when we talk below about the £500,000 pot, that is the main Year One application fund, not the entire Year One Pride in Place allocation.

Accuracy matters.

Especially when one is about to criticise other people's accuracy.

---

Now we arrive at the £20 million question

Government's March 2026 Delivery Guidance contains a remarkably straightforward sentence:

«“Neighbourhood Boards are the decision makers for funding.”»

It goes further.

The Board gives local people the power to decide how funding is spent.

All Board members have an equal right to vote on Board issues.

And Government describes any subgroups as “advisory sub-groups” supporting the Board's function.

There is not much mist on that particular window.

So now compare that with Smethwick.

---

Sandwell's own website says the Board decides

Today, Sandwell's public Smethwick Pride in Place website has a page helpfully entitled:

“Who decides what gets funded?”

Excellent question.

Its answer is:

«“Funding decisions are made by the Smethwick Partnership Board.”»

Simple.

Clear.

Residents reading the website could reasonably conclude that the Partnership Board makes the funding decisions.

Hold that thought.

---

Sandwell Cabinet paperwork also points to the Partnership Board

There is another important piece of the public paper trail.

A Sandwell Cabinet report for 15 July 2026 recommended that Cabinet delegate authority to the Smethwick Partnership Board to approve grant allocations for the Pride in Place programme.

It said this was intended to enable timely and compliant administration and described delegation of grant administration and distribution to the relevant Partnership Boards.

I am deliberately precise here.

That is what the Cabinet report recommended.

I am not using that report alone to assert the precise final legal effect of the Cabinet decision without its resulting decision record in front of me.

But it is another public document describing the intended decision-maker as the Partnership Board.

So far we have:

Government: Board decides.

Sandwell website: Board decides.

Cabinet report: delegate approval to Partnership Board.

Quite straightforward.

Then we reach 23 July.

---

Internal Audit enters the room

The published minutes of the Smethwick Partnership Board meeting on 23 July record something rather important.

Internal Audit had apparently identified ambiguity over whether the Funding Subgroup or the Partnership Board was responsible for grant decisions.

That is worth pausing over.

We're not talking about a blogger spotting a misplaced comma.

Sandwell's own Internal Audit had identified ambiguity over who actually makes decisions about public grant funding.

Members discussed whether grants should go to the full Board for approval.

The eventual published decision was:

«“The subgroup will approve grant award decisions, and those decisions will be reported to the Board for noting.”»

Ah.

Now we have something rather different.

The Partnership Board is no longer apparently approving ordinary grants.

The Funding Subgroup approves them.

The full Board notes them.

---

“Noting” — the great local-government word

For readers who don't spend their leisure time reading council minutes — congratulations on your excellent life choices — “noting” generally means acknowledging information rather than making the decision itself.

If your spouse announces:

“I've bought a 38-foot yacht and named it Municipal Governance,”

and you reply:

“Noted,”

you have not approved the purchase.

You have been informed of the catastrophe.

And that distinction matters when we are talking about who decides where public money goes.

---

It gets clearer in August — sort of

The papers for the forthcoming 20 August meeting say the full application stage will be scored by an Independent Scoring Panel and approved by the Funding Subgroup.

The proposed Dispute Resolution Policy says that the Funding Subgroup reviews the scoring report and recommendations under delegated authority.

And how many members are required to make funding decisions?

Three.

A minimum of three Subgroup members can make the funding decision.

The Subgroup formally approves or rejects the proposed funding allocations.

The ordinary outcome is then taken to the full Partnership Board for noting.

So we now have a rather splendid governance sandwich:

Government: Neighbourhood Board decides.

Sandwell website: Partnership Board decides.

Cabinet report: proposed delegation to Partnership Board.

July minutes/August process: Funding Subgroup decides; Board normally notes.

That needs explaining.

---

Is that definitely unlawful?

No.

And I am not going to pretend otherwise.

There may be an approved Scheme of Delegation.

There may be MHCLG advice accepting the arrangement.

There may be Monitoring Officer, Section 151 or legal advice explaining exactly how a delegated Subgroup decision remains, in governance terms, a decision of the Board.

I haven't seen those documents.

That is why the right question is not:

“Who has broken the law?”

The right question is:

How does this arrangement comply with Government guidance which says the Neighbourhood Board is the funding decision-maker, particularly where ordinary awards can apparently be determined by a Subgroup quorum of three and merely noted by the full Board?

If there is a simple answer, let's have it.

And please publish the Pride in Place Scheme of Delegation while you're at it.

That document should settle an awful lot.

---

And who are the three?

This brings us to the Subgroup itself.

The public August report tells us the Subgroup met on 31 July and says members declared actual, potential or perceived conflicts of interest, which were managed appropriately.

Good.

But if this Subgroup is actually making the ordinary funding decisions, I would expect a particularly strong public audit trail.

Who are all the members?

Who attended on 31 July?

Who declared what interest?

Who withdrew from which discussion?

Who voted?

What was the vote?

Where is the Subgroup's formal decision log?

Perhaps all this exists somewhere.

Again, I can only work from what the public can see.

And Government's transparency requirements are not particularly shy.

Neighbourhood Boards are expected to publish governance arrangements, meeting minutes and decision logs, a documented decision-making process and voting rights, Board papers within five working days, draft minutes within ten working days, final minutes, conflicts of interest and transparent records of all Pride in Place spending. The default position should be that papers are open to the public.

That is quite a standard.

So if a three-person quorum is making ordinary grant decisions, “trust us, conflicts were managed appropriately” is reassuring.

But showing us the governance trail is better.

---

A meeting about community control which the community cannot attend

The front page of the August agenda contains another wonderfully awkward juxtaposition.

The Smethwick Partnership Board oversees a programme designed around community control.

And:

«“This meeting of the Smethwick Partnership Board is not open to the public and press.”»

Now, before anyone leaps for the legal stationery cupboard, I have not found anything in the national Pride in Place guidance saying every physical Board meeting must itself be open to the public.

So I am not claiming the closed meeting is a proven breach of the national rules.

But Government does require transparency and explicitly says Boards must create space for communities to hold them to account and scrutinise how plans are being put into practice.

So perhaps the better question is:

Even if closing the meetings is permitted, is it really the best expression of a programme whose entire philosophy is community control?

“Welcome to your community-led programme. Kindly remain outside.”

It does rather write its own satire.

---

And there may be a publication-timing question too

The August agenda is dated for a meeting on Thursday 20 August and gives a stated despatch date of 14 August.

Government says Board papers should be published within five working days in advance of the meeting.

Smethwick's own governance arrangements have also referred to five clear working days.

On the face of the dates printed on the document, the period between 14 and 20 August appears rather tight.

I am not declaring a breach because the papers may have been published electronically at a different point or there may be a particular interpretation of the timetable.

But it is another perfectly reasonable question:

When precisely was the public pack published, and did it meet the five-working-day requirement?

Small point?

Perhaps.

But transparency requirements aren't supposed to become optional because everybody is busy.

---

Now to the applications

By 12 August, 109 organisations had contacted the Neighbourhood Development Officer.

That sounds impressive.

The breakdown is rather more informative.

Fifty were general enquiries.

Fifty-four were initial idea discussions.

Three were recorded as help developing a project.

Two involved support completing an Expression of Interest.

None were recorded as help developing or completing a full application at that point.

Again, that doesn't mean support doesn't exist.

Sandwell does provide guidance and an NDO support process.

But it raises an important Pride in Place question.

Government wants communities to develop capacity and specifically warns against decision-making becoming dominated by people with the loudest voices or those already best equipped to navigate official processes. It expects outreach to groups who may struggle with conventional engagement.

A professionally staffed charity with funding experience is going to find a grant application rather less daunting than three neighbours with a good idea, a Facebook group and somebody's kitchen table.

Community empowerment cannot simply mean:

“Here is a form. May the best constitution win.”

---

Thirty-two EOIs became twenty-eight

The first funding round produced 32 Expressions of Interest.

Four were not reviewed because those applicants had not undertaken the required pre-application discussion with the Neighbourhood Development Officer.

Twenty-eight were therefore reviewed by the Funding Subgroup.

And that is where the boundary issue arrives.

---

The boundary — and another change in tone

At the 23 July Partnership Board meeting, published minutes show members discussing organisations close to the Smethwick boundary.

The recorded approach was relatively flexible: applications demonstrating clear benefit for Smethwick residents could be considered on a case-by-case basis.

Then, on 31 July, the Funding Subgroup faced significant demand.

The August report states that the Subgroup agreed only to accept EOIs from organisations formally registered within Smethwick during that round.

All applicants were subsequently informed that Smethwick-registered organisations were being prioritised.

The current Sandwell website now explicitly says applicants to the Year One £500–£25,000 programme must be organisations based in the Smethwick Pride in Place investment boundary area.

So did the rules change after launch?

I don't know.

And neither should anyone responsibly claim to know until we see the exact guidance that was live on 1 July.

That is important.

The launch announcement itself spoke about organisations working for the benefit of Smethwick communities, but the full guidance linked from it may already have contained the registered-address restriction.

We need the original 1 July documents and ideally their revision history.

Until then the factual position is:

the Board discussed case-by-case flexibility on 23 July;

the Subgroup applied a much firmer registered-location approach on 31 July;

and today's website contains that strict eligibility requirement.

That chronology deserves an explanation.

Nothing more dramatic needs to be invented.

---

Government itself is actually more flexible

Here is where the national guidance becomes particularly interesting.

MHCLG says Pride in Place money is principally for the benefit of residents within the agreed area.

Perfectly reasonable.

But it also expressly says a Board may decide that the best way to serve residents inside the boundary is to invest in an asset technically outside it.

Indeed the guidance says there are no restrictions on funding being spent outside the area, provided the decision is first and foremost based on the needs and aspirations of residents in the Pride in Place area and has proper Board/community rationale.

In other words, the strict “your organisation must be based inside the line” approach is a local grant-scheme choice, not something Westminster forced upon Smethwick.

Again, local schemes can impose tighter criteria.

But let's not confuse local choices with national requirements.

---

The 80-metre problem

One application demonstrates this rather neatly.

4 Community Trust was reported as being approximately 80 metres outside the investment boundary.

Its proposal was considered to meet the eligibility and project criteria in other respects, but it did not progress because the organisation was outside the boundary.

The Subgroup referred to consistency and transparency.

Eighty metres.

In local-government terms, presumably that's practically France.

I am not arguing that this particular applicant should receive money.

I am arguing that if Pride in Place is fundamentally about who benefits, the public deserves to understand why an organisation's administrative location became decisive even where the national programme itself allows investment beyond the boundary when residents inside it are the principal beneficiaries.

---

Fourteen in, fourteen out

The eventual Round One picture is striking.

Of the 28 EOIs reviewed:

14 were from Smethwick and all 14 progressed.

6 were from elsewhere in Sandwell and none progressed.

8 were from outside Sandwell and none progressed.

That does not prove anything improper.

It does show exactly how powerful the geographical filter became.

Once you passed the location test, every one of the 14 Smethwick EOIs advanced to the full application stage.

---

And Smethwick ward itself got zero

The distribution among those 14 is also worth recording.

St Paul's: 9

Soho and Victoria: 4

Bearwood: 1

Smethwick ward: 0.

There were, however, organisations from Smethwick ward contacting the NDO.

So this is not evidence that nobody there was interested.

Again, it proves no bias and no wrongdoing.

But a genuinely community-led programme should surely ask:

why did one whole ward produce no EOI progressing through this first batch?

Government specifically says community involvement shouldn't become dominated by those with the loudest voices and should reach groups who are commonly left out.

An application process measures who successfully navigates an application process.

That isn't always the same thing as measuring need.

---

Was the £500,000 already overwhelmed?

The 28 reviewed EOIs requested approximately:

£349,095 revenue

and

£216,515.90 capital

for a combined total of roughly £565,611.

So yes — on the face of those initial asks, demand exceeded the £500,000 main application pot by roughly £65,611.

But after applying the Smethwick-based filter, the 14 applications invited forward collectively sought approximately £260,627 based on the published figures.

That does not mean the Subgroup was wrong to manage demand.

There are more rounds.

Revenue and capital are separate.

Figures can change.

Money may need reserving.

But it does mean the public deserves a fuller explanation of how the financial pressure translated into the particular eligibility approach chosen.

If the answer is:

“We need to preserve sufficient funding for later rounds and maintain a balanced capital/revenue programme,”

fine.

Say so.

Numbers are wonderfully helpful things.

---

The Strategic Priority Override

The revised August Dispute Resolution Policy contains another intriguing device.

Applications will be independently scored.

If an application fails to reach the minimum assessment threshold, you might reasonably assume that is the end of matters.

Not necessarily.

A new Strategic Priority Override would allow the Funding Subgroup to recommend a below-threshold application if it believes the project addresses an important strategic priority not otherwise covered by higher-scoring applications.

The failed score, threshold, rationale, benefits, risks and mitigations must be documented, and the full Partnership Board would have to consider the exception rather than the Subgroup approving it alone.

Now, contrary to what some might expect, I don't think that is automatically a bad thing.

Pride in Place is meant to give communities discretion.

Sometimes a spreadsheet score will not perfectly capture strategic need.

The important word is:

exceptional.

If this provision is used, the public should see:

the failed score;

the threshold;

the strategic reason;

the declarations of interest;

the voting;

and the final justification.

No mystery.

No strategic fairy dust.

No “computer says no but committee says yes because reasons.”

Transparency is the safeguard.

---

The conflict-of-interest policy needs another look

The July minutes say Internal Audit recommended that Board and Subgroup members should not provide advice or support to applicants.

If approached, they should direct applicants to the Neighbourhood Development Officer and declare the contact.

That seems extremely sensible.

Yet the revised August Conflict of Interest Policy says:

«“Members can offer advise only...”»

before explaining that they may subsequently have to withdraw from discussion.

Firstly, advice, not advise.

Ten minutes in the naughty corner with an Oxford dictionary.

More importantly, which is it?

Members should not advise applicants?

Or:

Members may advise applicants and then declare it?

Those are materially different safeguards.

When the same people may be involved in deciding which organisations get public money, the wording should be crystal clear.

There is a meeting on 20 August specifically being asked to approve the revised policy.

I hope somebody asks the question before ticking the box.

---

Direct commissions: apparently best enjoyed verbally

The Board has also been progressing direct commissioned projects including benches, picnic tables, railings and related public-realm works.

Some of these appear to originate from earlier community engagement, which is a positive point.

But the August agenda once again provides only a verbal update on direct commissions.

Government, meanwhile, says Boards should publish transparent records of all Pride in Place spend.

Perhaps full costs, procurement routes and suppliers are published elsewhere.

If so, point residents to them.

But the public agenda itself does not provide the basic written audit trail I would expect:

How much?

Which supplier?

What procurement route?

What was bought?

What consultation supported it?

Who owns it?

Who maintains it?

It is difficult to scrutinise a verbal update to a meeting you aren't allowed into.

A small administrative conundrum.

---

Youth engagement — the Board itself admits there's more work to do

One area where the Board deserves credit is that members themselves recognised shortcomings in youth engagement.

The July minutes acknowledge limited Youth Forum attendance, difficulties with daytime participation, educational commitments, missed opportunities with schools and concern that existing participants might not represent a broad cross-section of Smethwick's young people.

The proposed solution — going out to places where young people already gather rather than expecting them to enter formal committee structures — makes sense.

Government expects exactly this sort of sustained outreach.

The test now is whether it happens.

Community engagement is not measured by the number of engagement plans produced.

It is measured by whether people previously missing from the room actually gain influence over what happens.

---

One more uncomfortable bit of wording

Smethwick's Terms of Reference have also contained provisions requiring Board members to promote the programme positively and refrain from negative statements or criticism.

Government's own social-media advice does indeed encourage communications to be positive, factual and professional.

Fair enough.

Nobody needs a Partnership Board member starting Facebook wars at two in the morning.

But Government also requires the programme to operate in an open, constructive and honest manner and explicitly expects community accountability and scrutiny.

There is therefore a difference between:

behaving professionally

and

being required not to criticise the programme.

A “critical friend” who is only permitted to say nice things isn't a critical friend.

It's a brochure.

---

This is not evidence of corruption

And this section is important.

Nothing I have seen establishes corruption.

Nothing establishes fraud.

Nothing establishes political favouritism.

Nothing establishes that a successful applicant has behaved improperly.

Nothing establishes that grant scoring has been manipulated.

Nothing establishes that somebody has secretly pocketed public money.

Nothing establishes that the Subgroup delegation is unlawful.

Nothing establishes that closed meetings breach national Pride in Place rules.

Nothing establishes that the eligibility criteria were definitely changed after applications opened.

Those are not claims I am making.

What the public documents do establish are contradictions, ambiguities and unanswered governance questions.

And public-money governance does not have to be corrupt before residents are entitled to ask whether it could be clearer.

---

The biggest contradiction remains remarkably simple

Strip away the acronyms.

Strip away the policy wording.

Strip away the terms like fiduciary risk, strategic priority exception, NDO contact tracker and delegated authority.

We are left with this:

Government says the Neighbourhood Board is the funding decision-maker.

Sandwell's website tells residents the Smethwick Partnership Board makes the funding decisions.

A July Cabinet report recommended delegating grant approval to the Smethwick Partnership Board.

The Partnership Board's July minutes say the Funding Subgroup will approve grants and the Board will merely note them.

The August policy says a Funding Subgroup quorum of three can make ordinary grant decisions.

That is the question.

Everything else is garnish.

---

What I would like answered on 20 August

Here is the short version — which, after everything above, is admittedly a relative concept.

1. Who legally/programmatically makes the £500–£25,000 Pride in Place grant decision: the Partnership Board or the Funding Subgroup?

2. How does Subgroup approval followed by Board “noting” comply with MHCLG guidance stating that Neighbourhood Boards are the decision-makers for funding?

3. Please publish the approved Pride in Place Scheme of Delegation.

4. Who currently sits on the Funding Subgroup, who attended on 31 July, what conflicts were declared, who withdrew and how were decisions voted upon?

5. Is there a public Funding Subgroup decision log?

6. What exact eligibility guidance was available to applicants on 1 July, and did it already require the organisation itself to be registered/based inside the Smethwick boundary?

7. If that rule already existed, why was case-by-case treatment of near-boundary organisations being discussed on 23 July?

8. Why did Smethwick choose a stricter geographical approach for this particular grant scheme when national guidance explicitly allows spending outside the boundary where that best benefits residents inside it?

9. Why did no Smethwick ward EOI progress in the first reviewed batch, and what engagement will now take place there?

10. Will every use of the Strategic Priority Override be published with the failed score and full justification?

11. Can Board/Subgroup members advise grant applicants or not? Please reconcile the August policy with the Internal Audit advice recorded in July.

12. Where can residents see the detailed expenditure and procurement trail for Pride in Place direct commissions?

13. Did the 20 August papers meet the five-working-day publication requirement?

14. What practical mechanism allows ordinary Smethwick residents — including those unaffiliated to established organisations — to hold the Partnership Board to account during delivery?

There.

Fourteen questions.

Considerably cheaper than a public inquiry.

---

Pride in Place deserves to succeed

And this is perhaps the most important point.

I want schemes like Pride in Place to work.

For too long, communities have watched enormous regeneration schemes descend from above, complete with glossy artist's impressions, consultant-speak and promises that somehow become less visible as soon as the launch photography is finished.

Giving residents real influence over local investment is a good idea.

Smethwick has genuine community organisations doing excellent work.

It has engaged residents.

It has a Government-approved plan.

It has officers identifying planning, procurement and value-for-money issues.

Internal Audit is clearly asking questions.

There are safeguards.

There are positive signs.

That is exactly why we should get the governance right now.

This is a ten-year programme.

The first grant round is not merely about a few applications.

It is setting precedents for how up to £20 million of community-focused investment will be overseen.

Get the transparency right in Year One and trust can grow.

Get it wrong and every future decision will be accompanied by suspicion which may have been entirely avoidable.

---

The public shouldn't need a detective badge

Residents should not have to read five different documents to work out who decides whether a grant gets approved.

The council website should match the governance documents.

The governance documents should match the Scheme of Delegation.

The Scheme of Delegation should match Government requirements.

The Subgroup's role should be obvious.

Conflicts should be visible.

Decisions should be traceable.

Expenditure should be published.

And if somebody asks a perfectly reasonable question about any of it, the response should not require translation from Advanced Municipal Hieroglyphics.

That is what transparency looks like.

---

Pride in Place?

Absolutely.

But perhaps we could have a little Pride in Process as well.

Because if this really is about putting power into the hands of Smethwick's communities, residents should be able to see precisely whose hands are actually on the controls.

And if the answer is completely straightforward, then publishing it should be the easiest decision the Board makes all year.

Long read over.

You may now collect your certificate, refill the kettle and rejoin normal society.

#Smethwick #Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #SmethwickPartnershipBoard #PrideInPlace #PlanForNeighbourhoods #CommunityFunding #CommunityGrants #PublicMoney #Transparency #Accountability #CouncilScrutiny #LocalDemocracy #LocalGovernment #CommunityEngagement #FundingSubgroup #InternalAudit #Regeneration #TownsFund #FollowTheMoney

Thursday, 13 August 2026

One Call-In, £7.6 Million and a Cupboard Full of Unfinished Business: Sandwell Scrutiny Goes Back to Work


One Call-In, £7.6 Million and a Cupboard Full of Unfinished Business: Sandwell Scrutiny Goes Back to Work

Budget & Corporate Scrutiny Management Board – 20 August 2026

LONG READ WARNING: This one is not a three-paragraph Facebook rant. Put the kettle on. Possibly make sandwiches. If you make it as far as the Disabled Facilities Grant, give yourself a biscuit. If you survive SEND, the HRA, FOIs and procurement as well, congratulations — you are now probably qualified to sit on a scrutiny committee.

And unlike some glossy Council publications, there are actual numbers in this.

The Budget and Corporate Scrutiny Management Board meets at Sandwell Council House at 6pm on Thursday 20 August.

Despite this being Sandwell's overarching scrutiny board — responsible for finances, information management, HR, ICT and the wider scrutiny work programme — there is just one substantive item on the agenda after the formalities and approval of the March minutes.

And it is a big one.

The Board will consider a call-in of the Reform Cabinet's 15 July decision concerning the Crisis and Resilience Fund 2026/27–2028/29.

So before wandering into the rather large cupboard marked Unfinished Sandwell Business, let's start with the matter actually on Thursday's agenda.

£7.599 million — and some awkward questions

The Crisis and Resilience Fund is Government money intended to help residents facing financial crisis while also trying to tackle some of the causes that keep dragging people back into crisis.

Sandwell has approximately £7.599 million for 2026/27.

The July Cabinet plan allocates £1.451m for housing payments, £1.335m for crisis payments, £1.850m for other crisis support, £494,000 for additional Welfare Rights staff and software, £2m for new resilience pilot projects and £469,000 for administration.

On the face of it, there are some perfectly sensible ideas here.

Prevent homelessness. Help people with debt. Maximise benefits. Improve food security. Help people into training and employment. Stop repeatedly handing somebody a sticking plaster if you can help deal with the wound.

Nothing particularly outrageous there.

Unfortunately, local government tends to become interesting when you get past the Executive Summary.

And this one gets interesting quite quickly.

The school holiday voucher row

Under the previous Household Support Fund, eligible families had received help including school holiday food vouchers.

Sandwell's July report considered continuing that system but rejected it, saying blanket provision did not sufficiently fit the new Fund's emphasis on crisis intervention and longer-term resilience.

This has now become one of the central grounds for the call-in.

It is important, however, not to turn this into political pantomime.

The Government guidance does not say councils must continue blanket free-school-meal holiday vouchers.

But — and this is rather important — it does not forbid them either.

The Department for Work and Pensions explicitly says councils should decide how best to ensure the poorest children do not go hungry during school holidays and that this may or may not involve blanket vouchers for children receiving free school meals. It also encourages councils to link provision with schools, Family Hubs and the Holiday Activities and Food programme.

So the sensible question is not:

“Are vouchers compulsory?”

They aren't.

The sensible question is:

“What evidence shows the replacement arrangement will reach the children and families who actually need help?”

How many Sandwell families previously received automatic support?

How many are expected to receive help under the new application system?

What level of non-take-up has been modelled?

What happens to the parent who isn't technically in an immediate “financial shock” but suddenly has children at home for six weeks and an extra food bill?

And what happens to those people who simply don't apply?

Those are scrutiny questions.

Welcome to crisis support. Please create an account...

The new model is largely application based.

Again, that isn't automatically wrong. DWP actually expects Crisis and Housing Payments to be mostly delivered through application-based schemes.

But the same guidance also says councils should proactively find vulnerable people who may never come forward themselves, that application methods must be accessible, and that councils must provide a non-digital offer, not merely stick a form online and wish everyone the best of British.

Now look at Sandwell's live Crisis Payments page.

It says:

“You will need a MySandwell account to apply.”

It also tells applicants that a payment or voucher can take up to 14 days, although it says applications are usually dealt with more quickly.

Meanwhile DWP guidance says that for urgent needs, authorities should aim to deliver Crisis Payments within 48 hours of a completed application and should consider what happens outside ordinary working hours.

That does not necessarily mean Sandwell is breaching the guidance.

There may be a perfectly good urgent triage system operating behind the scenes.

Fine.

Show it to scrutiny.

What constitutes urgent?

How many applications are dealt with within 48 hours?

What happens on Friday night?

What if somebody fleeing domestic abuse cannot provide the documentary evidence neatly requested by an online system?

What if somebody has no smartphone, email address, data allowance or MySandwell account?

The Cabinet report itself says face-to-face assistance will be available. Good.

The question is whether a frightened, skint or digitally excluded resident can actually find that route when they need it.

A service is not accessible merely because somewhere, in paragraph 37 of something, somebody has written the word “accessible”.

The Equality Impact Assessment that was going to happen

The call-in also points out that an Equality Impact Assessment had not been published.

More interestingly, the Cabinet report itself says:

“An Equality Impact Assessment will be undertaken.”

“Will be.”

The decision was being taken on 15 July.

That does not automatically make the decision unlawful. The Public Sector Equality Duty is more complicated than simply asking whether a document with “EIA” written on the front exists.

But it certainly generates an obvious question:

What equality analysis was actually before Cabinet when Cabinet made the decision?

Because changing from broadly automatic provision to an application-and-assessment model may affect disabled people, carers, people with poor literacy, people with mental health problems, people experiencing domestic abuse and digitally excluded residents differently.

If all that work was done beforehand, excellent.

Publish it.

Scrutiny should not need a séance to discover what evidence Cabinet considered.

Consultation — technically optional, politically rather more interesting

The report says there was no statutory requirement for public consultation.

That is correct as far as the Council's published position goes.

It says there was engagement with internal services, partners and operational stakeholders.

But the call-in points out something rather obvious.

The people whose support arrangements were actually changing apparently weren't directly consulted.

Legality and good decision-making are not always identical twins.

You can legally decide something without asking residents.

That doesn't necessarily make it wise.

Especially when the people concerned are low-income families and you are changing support shortly before the school summer holidays.

The call-in also says June's Cabinet meeting had been cancelled and argues the July decision came too late for families to make alternative arrangements. That is an allegation made in the formal call-in notice and deserves a proper answer rather than political throat-clearing.

And here's a new one: 1 July or 1 August?

This is where a little forensic reading becomes useful.

Sandwell's July Cabinet report authorised the Section 151 Officer to submit the Council's 2026/27 Crisis and Resilience Fund expenditure plan to DWP by 1 August 2026.

However, the Government's published CRF guidance says unitary and county authorities were required to send their initial delivery plan to DWP by 1 July 2026, with Section 151/CFO sign-off.

Now, before anybody reaches for the pitchforks, this does not prove Sandwell missed a Government deadline.

Perhaps Sandwell submitted an initial plan by 1 July and the August document was something different.

Perhaps DWP agreed another timetable.

Perhaps there was correspondence we haven't seen.

There may be a perfectly boring explanation.

Excellent.

Let's have the perfectly boring explanation.

Produce the plan, its submission date, the Section 151 sign-off and DWP acknowledgement.

Mystery solved.

That's what scrutiny is supposed to do.

£300,000 becomes £469,000

Here's another one for lovers of municipal arithmetic.

The January budget papers anticipated about £300,000 a year in CRF administration income/cost provision, based on approximately 5% of the Fund.

By July, the proposed administration budget was £469,000.

Separately, another £494,000 was allocated to additional Welfare Rights staffing and software.

There may again be an entirely legitimate explanation.

But £300,000 becoming £469,000 is the sort of thing a board with the word Budget in its name might reasonably ask about.

What changed?

What exactly is contained within the £469,000?

How many staff?

What software?

What publicity?

What evaluation?

What is one-off and what becomes an ongoing cost?

And what precisely does the separate £494,000 buy?

These are not gotcha questions.

They're called accounting.

The £2 million pilot pot

The Council also intends spending £2 million on resilience pilots — potentially covering food security, healthy living, financial resilience, skills and employment.

Again, perfectly worthy objectives.

But Cabinet delegated considerable authority to senior officers, in consultation with the Cabinet Member, to determine the pilots and make in-year adjustments. It also delegated development of the 2027/28 and 2028/29 expenditure plans.

So who gets the money?

Who chooses?

What are the criteria?

Are they grants or contracts?

How is performance measured?

What happens when a pilot fails?

Will councillors and the public see the outcomes?

Because “pilot project” is one of those lovely public-sector phrases that can mean anything between excellent innovative intervention and £200,000 disappeared into a PowerPoint presentation and everybody agreed lessons had been learned.

We shall see.

---

And now... the cupboard

This is where the political change in May becomes important.

Reform UK won 41 of Sandwell's 72 seats at the May election and took control of the authority. Councillor Ray Nock was subsequently appointed Council Leader from 26 May.

That means we need to be fair about what follows.

Most of the problems I'm about to discuss were not created by the Reform administration.

They existed under the previous Labour administration.

Some go back years.

Some involve national pressures as well as local management.

Some are officer and system issues rather than things created personally by councillors.

So I am not going to perform the lazy trick of sticking “REFORM FAILURE” on every spreadsheet dated before they took office.

But nor should changing the political leadership cause the Council's institutional memory to develop sudden-onset amnesia.

The paperwork doesn't reset itself after an election.

The residents waiting for repairs don't vanish.

SEND cases don't disappear.

Unspent Disabled Facilities Grants don't magically install bathrooms at midnight on polling day.

Legacy responsibility and current responsibility are different things.

Labour can properly be challenged about what happened on its watch.

Reform can properly be challenged about what it does with what it inherited.

That is the handover test.

Housing: C3 remains the large elephant in the Council flat

Sandwell received a C3 consumer judgement from the Regulator of Social Housing in October 2024.

The regulator said there were serious failings and significant improvement was required, particularly around the Safety and Quality Standard.

That is unquestionably a Labour-era legacy issue.

The Council subsequently began substantial recovery work — stock condition surveys, reducing repairs backlogs, improving safety compliance and introducing new systems — and that progress should be acknowledged. The Council itself has reported significant corrective action.

But as of this review, the October 2024 C3 remains the latest Sandwell regulatory judgement listed by the regulator.

So the question for Reform isn't:

“Why did you get a C3?”

They didn't.

The question is:

“What are you doing to get Sandwell out of C3, what remains outstanding and when should tenants expect the regulator to be satisfied?”

March scrutiny was told that around £51 million sat in HRA reserves, but crucially some of that represented deferred work including stock condition surveys, repair backlogs and a replacement housing management system.

In other words, £51m in reserves isn't necessarily a giant municipal piggy bank waiting for somebody to smash it open.

Some of it has work attached.

The real issue is delivery.

Disabled Facilities Grants: the underspend that refused to go away

March scrutiny was told that around £6.6 million of Disabled Facilities Grant funding was underspent.

This is money intended for adaptations including stairlifts, accessible bathrooms and other work helping disabled people remain independent at home.

At Quarter 3, £6.639m was forecast to slip into 2026/27.

By final outturn, it wasn't £6.639m.

It was £6.678m of an £11.639m budget slipping forward.

Yes, the papers point out that other councils have difficulties spending DFG allocations.

Fair enough.

But a national problem can still be a Sandwell problem.

And calling something “slippage” does not make the human consequences disappear.

Behind the word could be somebody unable to use their bath.

Somebody struggling upstairs.

A carer lifting somebody because an adaptation isn't finished.

An older resident unable to return home safely.

So the new administration should inherit not merely the £6.678m balance but the question:

How many people are waiting, and for how long?

That's the metric I want.

Not just money carried forward.

People carried forward.

SEND: clearing a backlog isn't the same as fixing the system

There was genuine progress before May.

The historic EHCP assessment backlog — previously reported at 523 cases — had been reduced to zero.

Good.

Credit where due.

But earlier scrutiny had also been told the EHCP 20-week completion rate had fallen to 15.65% against a 50.3% target, while average statutory assessment time had reached 57.82 weeks against a 20-week target.

The July performance report still identified EHCP timeliness and statutory assessment duration as persistent red indicators.

So “the backlog has been cleared” is true.

It is also not the whole story.

If you clear the historic queue and then people continue waiting far too long, congratulations — you have cleared yesterday's backlog while manufacturing tomorrow's.

SEND demand is also forecast to continue growing. The Council's own Sufficiency Strategy says that, based on historic demand and conversion rates, Sandwell could have more than 10,000 children with EHCPs by 2031, although it correctly cautions that ongoing reform work could change that projection.

Again: legacy pressure.

Current responsibility for the response.

The money that keeps slipping into tomorrow

Sandwell's final 2025/26 General Fund capital programme was £89.308m.

Actual expenditure was £63.304m.

That's 71% delivered, with £25.810m slipping into later years.

The HRA capital programme was £92.552m.

Actual expenditure: £62.330m.

That's 67%, leaving another £30.222m slipping forward.

Now, capital programmes always reprofile.

Planning changes.

Contractors slip.

Projects move.

Weather happens.

Things genuinely change.

But once tens of millions repeatedly move from “this year” to “next year”, scrutiny needs to ask whether we are looking at isolated project delays or a wider delivery capacity problem.

A budget isn't an achievement because somebody successfully typed it into Excel.

Eventually something has to get built, repaired, adapted or installed.

Sandwell Children's Trust: £19.792 million doesn't become history just because the calendar changed

Sandwell Children's Trust accumulated a historic deficit of approximately £19.792m by the end of 2024/25.

A three-year contract was agreed covering 2025/26–2027/28, totalling £309.072m, with arrangements intended to stabilise the Trust and recover the deficit.

The 2025/26 outturn included a £6.597m draw from reserves for additional Trust contract payments connected to that cumulative deficit.

Again, Reform didn't create it.

But the contract continues under Reform.

So scrutiny should keep watching it.

Otherwise “we have agreed a three-year contract” risks becoming local-government shorthand for “please don't ask us again until 2028”.

No.

Ask every quarter.

FOIs and Subject Access Requests: transparency apparently still takes time

This one should concern anybody who has ever tried to extract information from a public authority without first obtaining a degree in patience.

Back in Quarter 2, Sandwell was already below its 90% target for responding to Subject Access Requests and Freedom of Information requests on time.

The Council said additional diagnostics, resources and digital solutions were being explored.

By Quarter 4, SAR performance had fallen to 36%, with annual performance of 50%.

FOI performance was 70%, against the 90% target.

The Quarter 4 breakdown recorded Finance & Transformation at 0% for 14 SARs, Children & Education at 33%, Adult Social Care & Health at 31%, and Place at 45%.

The report does say work is progressing on a new system after discussions with Hackney.

Fine.

But this is Budget & Corporate Scrutiny, and information governance is specifically within its remit.

So it needs to return.

Not as another paragraph saying “work continues”.

With numbers.

Complaints and the customer journey

Quarter 4 Stage 1 complaints averaged 11.33 working days against a 10-day target, with Children and Education at 19.21 days. The report says many Children's complaints relate to SEND delays.

The Council was also receiving an enormous number of avoidable calls.

Nearly half — 48.48% of calls about repairs — were residents chasing repairs that had already been reported.

That is a fascinating customer-service statistic.

You can have a very polite person answer the telephone and still have a broken customer journey because the resident is ringing for the third time asking why nobody has fixed the leak.

Previous scrutiny also raised anonymous responses from officers, misleading MySandwell statuses and response times for councillor enquiries.

March's tracking report showed some recommendations had been hanging around since 2023 and 2024 under various descriptions of ongoing work.

New political control is an excellent opportunity to ask an old-fashioned question:

Did we actually finish any of this?

Procurement: another one that must not quietly wander off

March's Budget & Corporate Scrutiny Board considered proposals for a new Ethical and Commercial Procurement Strategy, refreshed procurement rules and improved contract management.

Members were told the final Strategy, Procedure Rules and Contract Management Framework would return to scrutiny.

That matters.

Because Sandwell is simultaneously letting and managing very substantial contracts, including housing maintenance and regulatory work.

The July Cabinet papers themselves stress the importance of compliant procurement, performance management, social value and effective contract reviews.

Good.

So bring the promised framework back.

Scrutiny has an unfortunate habit, not unique to Sandwell, of enthusiastically requesting an update and then apparently assuming the update has ascended to heaven if nobody puts it on another agenda.

Let's not do that.

---

This isn't an argument that nothing has improved

For the avoidance of doubt — because nuance is terribly unfashionable on social media — Sandwell has made genuine progress.

The Council exited Government intervention.

Children's Services achieved a Good Ofsted judgement after years of difficulty.

The LGA Corporate Peer Challenge found Sandwell significantly more stable and credible than it had been in the dark old days, while still identifying important further work around housing, transformation and organisational capacity.

The General Fund position has also been substantially more stable than in some other councils.

None of that should be airbrushed out merely because criticism gets more clicks.

But improvement does not mean scrutiny becomes redundant.

Quite the opposite.

If the Council really is improving, good scrutiny helps make sure it stays improved.

Labour's legacy. Reform's test.

And this is the key point.

Housing C3?

Inherited.

The DFG backlog?

Inherited.

SEND pressures?

Inherited.

The Children's Trust historic deficit?

Inherited.

FOI and SAR weakness?

Inherited.

Capital slippage?

Predominantly inherited.

Procurement reform begun but not completed?

Transitional.

These cannot fairly be rewritten as things Reform created after taking office in May.

But from the moment the new administration knows about them, a second clock starts ticking.

The question slowly changes from:

“Who caused this?”

to:

“Who is fixing this?”

And eventually, if nothing happens:

“Why did you leave it?”

That is where scrutiny should sit.

Not rewriting history to blame the new lot for everything.

And not allowing the new lot to blame history forever.

Thursday is a useful first test

The Crisis and Resilience Fund is different from most of those legacy matters.

This was a July 2026 decision of the current Reform Cabinet.

So Thursday's meeting provides an early test of how Sandwell's new political arrangements deal with challenge.

Will scrutiny simply hear explanations and wave the decision through?

Will it turn into party-political theatre over free school meal vouchers?

Or will members do what scrutiny should actually do — interrogate the evidence, separate fact from assertion, demand the paperwork and improve the decision where improvement is required?

I don't currently see evidence that the entire Crisis and Resilience Fund proposal should simply be thrown in the bin.

The principle of moving people from repeated crisis towards longer-term financial resilience is sensible.

But there are unresolved questions about the timing, the impact on families, equality analysis, accessibility, the apparent 1 July/1 August delivery-plan discrepancy, the 14-day public processing message versus the Government's 48-hour urgent-payment ambition, administration costs, the £2m pilots and the extent of delegated authority.

Those questions deserve answers.

And when Thursday's call-in is finished, the Board should turn around and look at the rather large pile of unfinished business sitting behind it.

Because elections change councillors.

They do not delete corporate memory.

And in Sandwell — of all places — we really should have learned by now that “we thought somebody was dealing with it” is not a governance system.

I'll be watching what happens on 20 August.

And, as ever, I'll update this when the answers arrive.

Assuming, of course, they arrive within the target response time.

Don't hold your breath.


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