Monday, 7 September 2026

Smethwick Pride in Place: The Grants Are Moving — But Who Is Actually in Charge?

 


Smethwick Pride in Place: The Grants Are Moving — But Who Is Actually in Charge?

LONG READ — but shorter than the last one. Kettle still recommended.

The latest Smethwick Partnership Board papers for 11 September 2026 do not settle the governance questions around Pride in Place.

They sharpen them.

And one point now matters above all others:

the Board itself has asked Government to confirm whether the Funding Subgroup arrangements are compliant.

That is now part of the official public record.

So this is no longer simply a question being raised from outside.

The Board itself wants an answer.


The £20 million question

Smethwick Pride in Place is a ten-year programme worth up to £20 million.

It is supposed to be community-led.

Local people shape priorities.

Local communities influence investment.

Fine.

But eventually someone has to make the actual funding decision.

And that is where things have become rather muddled.

At the 20 August meeting, Councillor Ray Nock asked for assurance that the governance arrangements were constitutionally compliant.

Officers said legal officers had previously reviewed the process.

But the Board still agreed a formal action:

R Rahim to seek confirmation from MHCLG regarding the governance and constitutional arrangements relating to delegated authority to the Funding Subgroup.

That is significant.

Because while this question remains unanswered, the Funding Subgroup is not merely discussing applications.

It is now awarding grants.


The Subgroup is making the decisions

The 11 September agenda contains an item titled:

“Pride in Place Projects update”

Its purpose is:

“To present the decisions made by the Subgroup to award grant funding to project applicants.”

That is pretty clear.

The decisions have been made by the Subgroup.

The full details are in a restricted report.

Now, protecting genuinely confidential applicant information is perfectly reasonable.

But the public should still ultimately be able to see:

  • who received funding;

  • how much;

  • what for;

  • who made the decision;

  • what conflicts were declared;

  • what conditions were attached;

  • why the project was approved.

Public money does not stop being public money because some of the paperwork is sensitive.


The awkward bit: the Board has asked MHCLG to confirm the arrangement

This is the central issue.

The Board has already delegated the current £500,000 grant programme to the Funding Subgroup.

The August minutes say the Board retains overall accountability, while the Subgroup undertakes the detailed operational work.

But Councillor Nock still wanted constitutional assurance.

And the Board still felt it necessary to ask MHCLG for confirmation.

That leaves a very simple question for 11 September:

Has MHCLG replied?

If yes, publish the answer.

If MHCLG says the arrangement is fine, excellent.

If it recommends changes, make them.

Either way, residents should not have to guess.


“We’ve discussed this before” is not quite an answer

The Subgroup Chair reportedly suggested that legal and governance challenges should be discussed outside the meeting because the issue had already been discussed several times.

I understand the frustration.

Governance discussions can make watching paint dry feel like extreme sport.

But repeatedly discussing a question does not resolve it.

If the answer is still unclear enough for the Board to seek Government confirmation, then the issue remains live.

Simple as that.


The boundary issue is now clearer too

The Board was told that some unsuccessful organisations were disappointed because they had a history of working in Smethwick but were not progressed because their base was outside Smethwick.

The minutes then record:

  • 31 Expressions of Interest;

  • 14 invited to full application;

  • 17 not invited;

  • those 17 met the project objectives, but their applicant base was outside the Smethwick boundary.

That is an important distinction.

These were not necessarily bad projects.

They were excluded because of location.

That may be a legitimate local policy choice.

But it should be explained properly.

If the purpose is to strengthen organisations physically based in Smethwick, say so.

If the purpose is primarily to benefit Smethwick residents, then it is fair to ask whether organisational postcode should outweigh proven local delivery.

The good news is that officers now accept the process should be reviewed after the first round.

That is sensible.


At least the Board is becoming more strategic

There is some welcome progress.

Members agreed that future grant decisions should consider more than basic eligibility.

They want to look at:

  • local need;

  • value for money;

  • sustainability;

  • legacy;

  • additionality;

  • geographical spread;

  • balance across themes and groups.

Good.

Because a £20 million programme should not become a race to see who submits the best paperwork first.

The strongest organisations should not automatically become the loudest voices in the funding process.


Revenue is already oversubscribed

By 20 August, five full applications had been received from the 14 organisations invited forward, with another nine EOIs also in the pipeline.

The Board was told that this had already caused the revenue budget to become oversubscribed.

That makes transparency more important, not less.

When there is enough money for everybody, decisions are easy.

When there isn't, people need to understand:

why one project was funded and another wasn't.

If that explanation cannot be followed from the public record, confidence will inevitably suffer.


Direct commissions: some numbers at last

We finally have some useful figures.

The August minutes record:

  • £14,000 for benches at Lightwoods Park and Victoria Park;

  • £8,000 for seven benches in Smethwick High Street;

  • more than £35,000 expected overall on bench schemes and related public-realm improvements.

Excellent.

Actual numbers.

More of this please.

But why are direct commissions still mainly being handled through verbal updates?

A one-page table would do:

project — cost — supplier — procurement route — status.

No mystery.

No 80-page report.

Just a basic public audit trail.


CCTV: evidence first, spending second

The Board also discussed possible CCTV investment.

Members raised concerns about coverage in Smethwick, but instead of immediately reaching for the Pride in Place cheque book they asked for:

  • existing and planned provision;

  • costs;

  • monitoring arrangements;

  • hotspot data.

That is exactly right.

Evidence first.

Spend second.

A principle worth framing and hanging in every council office.


Another important point: Pride in Place must not replace normal Council spending

The Board also agreed that Pride in Place funding should be additional and should not substitute for statutory Council responsibilities.

That is vital.

This money should not become a convenient replacement pot for work the Council should already be doing.

Otherwise £20 million could disappear into:

"We were going to do that anyway, but now somebody else is paying."

The Board deserves credit for drawing that line.

Now it needs watching.


Youth engagement: a real improvement

The September papers show genuine progress on involving young people.

The new plan includes:

  • school engagement;

  • KS2 and KS3 lesson materials;

  • a youth survey;

  • ward-based workshops;

  • SHAPE Forum involvement;

  • possible Youth Forum representatives at Board meetings;

  • participation up to age 25 for young people with SEND.

The target is also specific:

375 survey responses would provide a 95% confidence rating.

That is much better than asking six young people a question and announcing that "young people told us..."

This is exactly the sort of engagement that should continue throughout the programme.


But the youth material creates another small irony

Young people are asked:

“If you were making the decisions, how would you spend the £20 million?”

And the lesson material explains that the Smethwick Partnership Board oversees the programme.

Fair enough.

But that makes it even more important that the public understands the relationship between the Partnership Board and the Funding Subgroup.

If the Subgroup is making the ordinary grant decisions under delegated authority, explain that clearly.

Don't make residents — or schoolchildren — require a crash course in constitutional delegation to understand who does what.


Grove Lane is the other major issue

Away from Pride in Place, the Partnership Board is still overseeing the Towns Fund programme.

And Grove Lane remains a substantial risk.

The Board was told:

  • the Council is pursuing a CPO;

  • a public inquiry is due in October;

  • the landowner is challenging the approach and valuation;

  • a preferred developer has been appointed by the landowner;

  • a CPO decision is expected by January 2027;

  • approximately £4.1 million remains allocated to the project.

The Board has now sensibly agreed to start contingency planning and speak to MHCLG and WMCA about alternatives if Grove Lane cannot proceed.

Good.

Because £4.1 million is rather a lot to leave sitting under "we'll see how January goes."


And some actions are still ageing nicely

The action log still contains items from February marked:

  • awaiting data;

  • awaiting report.

And a business-case action from April 2025 remains outstanding.

At some point, "awaiting data" stops being an update and becomes a lifestyle choice.

These need deadlines.


So where does this leave things?

The picture is mixed.

There are positives:

  • better youth engagement;

  • more strategic grant thinking;

  • recognition of geographical balance;

  • evidence-based CCTV discussion;

  • clearer direct-commission figures;

  • proper acknowledgement that Pride in Place should be additional;

  • contingency planning on Grove Lane.

But the central governance issue remains unresolved.

And now it is officially unresolved.

The Board itself has asked MHCLG to confirm the delegated Funding Subgroup arrangements.

Meanwhile, that Subgroup is already making grant award decisions.

So the first question on 11 September should be:

Has MHCLG responded?

And if so:

publish it.


The questions I would ask now

  1. Has MHCLG confirmed the delegated Funding Subgroup arrangements?

  2. Will the response be published?

  3. What is the precise authority under which the Subgroup awards grants?

  4. Who made the latest grant decisions and what conflicts were declared?

  5. When will successful projects and award values be published?

  6. What changes will be made after concerns from organisations excluded because they were based outside Smethwick?

  7. How much of the revenue pot is now committed or oversubscribed?

  8. Why are direct commissions still largely reported verbally?

  9. How will geographical balance across Smethwick be protected?

  10. What is the contingency plan for the £4.1 million Grove Lane allocation?

Ten questions.

No conspiracy.

No theatrics.

Just public money and public accountability.


Final thought

Pride in Place could still be an excellent programme for Smethwick.

There are clearly people around the table trying to improve it.

But the first year is setting the precedent for the next nine.

The simplest way to build trust is also the least glamorous:

publish the delegation, publish the MHCLG response, publish the decisions, publish the conflicts and publish the spending.

Make the governance boring.

Because once residents can clearly see:

who decided, why they decided, what it cost and what changed,

we can all spend less time playing Where's Wally? — Governance Edition and more time judging whether Pride in Place is actually making Smethwick better.

Pride in Place needs Pride in Process too.


#Smethwick #Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #SmethwickPartnershipBoard #PrideInPlace #CommunityFunding #CommunityGrants #PublicMoney #FundingSubgroup #Transparency #Accountability #CouncilScrutiny #LocalDemocracy #CommunityEngagement #YouthEngagement #Regeneration #TownsFund #GroveLane #FollowTheMoney #PrideInProcess

Tividale Pride in Place: £20 Million, Closed Doors, Bouncy Castles and a Lot of “Transparency”

 



Tividale Pride in Place: £20 Million, Closed Doors, Bouncy Castles and a Lot of “Transparency”

There are times when local government writes something so beautifully contradictory that you really don't need satire. It writes itself.

Welcome to the Tividale Neighbourhood Board, which is overseeing a Pride in Place programme worth up to £20 million of public money.

The September agenda tells us all about openness, transparency, accountability and putting residents at the heart of decision-making.

There is just one small problem.

Residents aren't allowed into the meeting.

Nor are the press.

The front page of the papers for the meeting on Thursday 10 September couldn't really be clearer:

“This meeting of the Tividale Neighbourhood Board is not open to the public and press.”

You can, apparently, send a question in beforehand.

How very generous.

Perhaps somebody needs to explain that “Pride in Place – Led by You” works rather better when “you” are actually allowed through the door.

And before anyone reaches for the usual excuses, I'm not suggesting every discussion involving commercially sensitive information, personal information or genuine confidentiality must be conducted in public.

Of course it shouldn't.

But closing the whole meeting as the default position for a body making decisions connected to a £20 million public programme is something entirely different.

Especially when the Governance document being presented to that very meeting talks about an:

“open, transparent and robust governance process”.

You couldn't make it up.


First, there are some good things

Regular readers will know I'm quite prepared to give credit where it is due.

And there are some encouraging signs in Tividale.

The Board has decided that community engagement should primarily be undertaken by the Board rather than immediately handing a large cheque to a consultation company.

Good.

The website is being developed through Sandwell Council's existing system instead of spending the estimated £6,000–£10,000 quoted for an externally hosted version.

Good again.

The proposed community survey won't only be available by QR code and online. The September papers specifically say paper copies will be provided for people with limited internet access or capability.

Also good.

And Board members have already said they don't want the eventual funding swallowed up by big organisations while the little community groups doing the actual work get crumbs.

That is exactly the right instinct.

So this isn't an article saying everything is wrong.

It is an article saying:

Get the governance right now, because £20 million is a lot harder to unscramble later.


£10,000, a gazebo and a bouncy castle

The first big Tividale community event is planned for Sunday 20 September at Tividale Park.

The Board allocated a £10,000 budget.

In August, the estimated cost was around £4,500, including approximately £3,500 for inflatables and activities, with refreshments also mentioned.

The September update tells us that:

  • a gazebo is being borrowed from the Council's Markets team;

  • tables and chairs are being sought internally;

  • stationery and materials will come through the programme office;

  • refreshments such as samosas, cupcakes and squash are being sourced;

  • and “ABC Bouncy” is expected to be confirmed.

Nothing wrong with any of that.

A community event should be enjoyable. If a bouncy castle gets families there and gives the Board an opportunity to talk to residents, fine by me.

But afterwards I'd like to see a very simple document:

What was budgeted?
What was actually spent?
Who was paid?
What was purchased?
What was donated or loaned?
What was left over?

Because transparency doesn't need to be complicated.

If £4,500 is spent from a £10,000 allocation, tell residents where the other £5,500 went.

That shouldn't require an FOI, a detective agency and three months of emails.


Consultation first — or consultation after the event has already started?

This is where I become more concerned.

Back on 20 August, one of the actions was:

“To create a Map of Tividale with organisations to engage with within the area.”

The September papers show that work is still being progressed.

Yet the big community launch is scheduled for 20 September.

So we're potentially holding one of the principal engagement events while we're still mapping who we ought to be engaging with.

That's rather like sending the wedding invitations after cutting the cake.

The correct order surely ought to be:

Map the community.
Identify who isn't normally heard.
Contact them.
Work out how to reach them.
Then consult.

Not:

Hold an event.
Put a QR code up.
Count everybody who came for a samosa and a bounce.
Call it community engagement.

To be fair, the Board does intend further workshops and smaller sessions.

They will be essential.

One fun day cannot possibly tell us what nearly 17,000 people think should happen with a ten-year investment programme.


And please don't measure engagement by guesswork

One section of the papers genuinely surprised me.

The draft Terms of Reference gives the Engagement Subgroup its Key Performance Indicators.

There are effectively two.

One is:

“Community Leaders to provide an estimation of number of representatives engaged with”.

An estimation.

We're talking about a £20 million public programme and one of the measurements of whether engagement succeeded is apparently somebody estimating how many people were engaged.

The other KPI is engagement across the Tividale neighbourhood wards.

Surely we can do rather better than this.

How many unique residents participated?

Which parts of Tividale did they come from?

How many community organisations were contacted?

How many responded?

How many young people?

How many older residents?

How did we reach disabled residents?

How did we reach people who don't use Facebook?

How many paper surveys were returned?

How many residents attended workshops?

Most importantly:

What changed because residents said it?

Otherwise “engagement” can become another box-ticking exercise where we proudly announce that 600 people were consulted without ever explaining whether their opinions influenced a single decision.


A subgroup that can manage money — but who can vote?

Here's another little governance puzzle.

In August, the full Board delegated responsibility to its Engagement Subgroup to organise engagement activities and manage the budget.

The proposed Terms of Reference now say the subgroup can contain:

  • up to six Board members;

  • Sandwell Council officers with a community background;

  • Sandwell Council project officers.

It also says that when there is disagreement, the subgroup can hold a vote.

Fine.

Except it doesn't appear to clearly tell us who gets a vote.

Do the Council officers vote?

Do only Board members vote?

Who constitutes a quorum?

What amount of money can this subgroup authorise without returning to the full Board?

Who can actually commit the expenditure?

At what point does an officer have to say, “Sorry, that needs Board approval”?

The Terms of Reference say decisions will be sent to the main Board for review or approval “where applicable.”

Those two words are doing a remarkable amount of work.

Where applicable according to whom?

For £20 million worth of programme governance, I'd rather have that written down.


The conflict-of-interest rules are getting better

Credit where it is due again.

The subgroup proposals contain much stronger conflict-of-interest wording than we saw initially.

Members must declare actual, potential or perceived interests.

And if a member — or the organisation they represent — makes an application for funding, they won't be able to participate in reviewing, assessing, scoring or deciding applications in that round.

That's sensible.

It should probably go further and explicitly deal with:

  • family relationships;

  • trusteeships;

  • directorships;

  • employers;

  • suppliers;

  • subcontractors;

  • close financial associations.

Remember, the July meeting already recorded a family relationship between two members of the Board, although no specific conflict was identified at that meeting.

That doesn't mean anyone has done anything wrong.

It means good rules protect everybody — including Board members.


The governance document says the appointments were open and fair

The draft Regeneration Plan says a public Expression of Interest exercise was held for the Chair and Board membership.

It then tells us the resulting recruitment process was:

“independent, fair and representative”.

Fine.

Show us.

How many people applied to become Chair?

How many applied for Board membership?

Where was it advertised?

For how long?

What criteria were used?

How were applicants scored?

What evidence establishes that the resulting Board is representative of Tividale?

Again, I'm not alleging anybody was improperly appointed.

I'm saying that if your governance document makes claims about openness and representativeness, the evidence supporting those claims should be public too.

One other thing caught my eye.

The governance section says the Board brings together representatives from the local community, public sector and business sector.

Looking at the published membership descriptions, it isn't immediately obvious which member is there representing the private business sector.

Perhaps somebody is and the published description simply doesn't make it clear.

Easy solution:

Tell us who.


The mysterious “four lines of defence”

This is one of my favourites.

The draft Assurance Framework proudly says:

“The framework operates through a ‘four lines of defence’ model…”

Sounds impressive.

Very corporate.

Very reassuring.

Unfortunately the document then appears to forget to explain what the four lines actually are.

It's the governance equivalent of telling residents the building has a state-of-the-art security system but declining to mention whether any doors have locks.

If there are four lines of defence, list them.

Residents should be able to understand who checks whom.

Because Sandwell Council has a very substantial role here.

The Council is:

  • the Accountable Body;

  • providing programme management;

  • providing secretariat support;

  • helping develop projects;

  • maintaining financial records;

  • maintaining risk records;

  • maintaining performance information;

  • dealing with procurement;

  • and providing internal audit and scrutiny.

Some of that is perfectly normal for an accountable body.

But when one organisation is involved at almost every level, outside scrutiny and public visibility become more important, not less.


Which brings me back to the locked door

This really is the point that bothers me most.

The Board's own governance draft says:

“Community engagement and representation are embedded within the Board's governance arrangements…”

Lovely.

Then residents arrive at the governance arrangements and aren't allowed in the room.

Why?

Why couldn't meetings be public by default, with the Board moving into a private session only where a genuinely confidential item requires it?

Why couldn't meetings be livestreamed?

Why couldn't submitted public questions and answers be published?

Why couldn't named votes be available?

We're not talking about MI5.

We're talking about improving Tividale.


Even the dates can't agree with each other

There are also some basic drafting problems that really ought to be cleaned up before these papers become part of a formal ten-year Regeneration Plan.

The deadline for submitting that Plan appears in various documents as:

26 February 2027.

27 February 2027.

And 28 February 2027.

Pick a date.

The September Engagement report also refers to the Engagement Plan being agreed on 10 August.

The actual meeting included in the same pack took place on 20 August.

And elsewhere members are asked to attend the Community Event on 20 October, despite virtually every other reference saying 20 September.

The Engagement Subgroup is also variously called part of the:

Tividale Partnership Board,
Tividale Neighbourhood Board,
and Tividale PFN Board.

None of these are earth-shattering individually.

But this is supposed to become part of the formal governance architecture for a £20 million ten-year public programme.

Proofreading shouldn't be an optional intervention.


Who really has the final say?

And there's one question I think residents really need answered.

The August minutes state that the final Plan needs approval from:

the Board,
the Council,
and the MP.

Earlier papers also referred to the Council's Section 151 Officer being involved in approving financial matters.

So who ultimately controls what?

If residents overwhelmingly want something, the Board supports it and the MP doesn't — what happens?

If the Board approves something but the Council refuses?

Can the Section 151 Officer veto it?

Can the MP?

Can the Council?

What can the Board approve by itself?

What decisions must come back through Council governance?

These aren't technical details.

That is where the power sits.

And if this really is to be “led by you”, residents deserve to know exactly where that power ends.


Questions I'd like answered

Before the Board gets much further, I'd like straightforward answers to these:

Why aren't residents and the press permitted to observe meetings involving a £20 million public programme?

Will public questions and the answers given to them be published?

What is the actual breakdown of the £10,000 Community Day budget?

Who can vote on the Engagement Subgroup?

How much money can that subgroup authorise without full Board approval?

Why is the mapping of community organisations still incomplete so close to the main September engagement event?

Will proper measurable engagement KPIs replace “estimates”?

Who represents the business community on the Board?

How many people applied for Board positions and what was the selection/scoring system?

What exactly are the famous “four lines of defence”?

What is the actual February 2027 submission deadline?

And perhaps most importantly:

Who has the power to say yes or no — the residents, the Board, the MP, Sandwell Council or the Section 151 Officer?


£20 million could genuinely transform parts of Tividale

That's why I'm asking these questions now.

Not because I want Pride in Place to fail.

Quite the opposite.

Twenty million pounds over ten years is a tremendous opportunity.

Done properly, it could leave Tividale with improvements people can actually see, use and value long after today's politicians, officers and Board members have moved on.

But we've seen enough schemes over the years where the glossy brochures arrive first, the consultants and administrators aren't far behind, everyone talks about “engagement”, and somehow ordinary residents spend the next decade wondering where all the money went.

Tividale has the chance to do it differently.

There are people on this Board clearly trying to make community engagement work. There are some sensible decisions already being made. And there is still plenty of time to put strong transparency arrangements in place before the serious money starts moving.

So open the meetings.

Publish the decisions.

Publish the spending.

Strengthen the KPIs.

Spell out who holds the power.

And for goodness' sake, decide whether the deadline is the 26th, 27th or 28th February.

Because if Pride in Place really is “Led by You”, the people of Tividale shouldn't need an invitation to watch their own £20 million being decided.


#Tividale #TividaleNeighbourhoodBoard #PrideInPlace #Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #CommunityEngagement #PublicMoney #Transparency #Accountability #Governance #Regeneration #LocalGovernment #CommunityFunding #PublicScrutiny #SandwellPolitics #TividalePrideInPlace #LedByYou #OpenTheDoors

THE CUPBOARD IS STILL FULL — AND ONE OF THE BILLS NOW SAYS £40.7 MILLION

 

THE CUPBOARD IS STILL FULL — AND ONE OF THE BILLS NOW SAYS £40.7 MILLION

Sandwell Budget & Corporate Scrutiny – the September papers deserve rather more than a quick flick through

LONG READ WARNING: This is another one of those blogs where the phrase “just a quick look at the council papers” has gone horribly wrong.

The agenda pack runs to 234 pages.

So put the kettle on, locate the biscuits and perhaps tell somebody where you've gone. If you get lost somewhere between the Dedicated Schools Grant and the Housing Revenue Account, send up a flare.

Because buried inside this month's Sandwell Budget and Corporate Scrutiny papers are some figures that deserve considerably more attention than they are likely to receive on Facebook.

The Board meets on Thursday 10 September 2026 at 6pm.

There are four substantive items: the Council's Quarter 4/Annual Corporate Performance Report, the first budget monitoring report for 2026/27, the annual scrutiny report, and the Board's new work programme.

And before we go any further, one important point.

Labour's legacy. Reform's responsibility to sort it.

Reform took control of Sandwell Council in May.

That matters enormously when reading these papers.

Most of the 2025/26 annual performance figures are the record of the previous Labour administration. The 2026/27 budget was itself largely constructed and approved before the election, while Quarter 1 covers April, May and June and therefore straddles the political handover.

So I'm not going to indulge in the intellectually lazy game of taking every red box from last year and writing:

“LOOK WHAT REFORM HAS DONE!”

They didn't.

Housing problems, SEND delays, the accumulated Disabled Facilities Grant underspend, Sandwell Children's Trust finances, FOI performance and plenty more were already sitting on the desk when the keys changed hands.

But there is another side to that.

You inherit the office.

You inherit the filing cabinets.

You inherit the accounts.

And, unfortunately, you inherit whatever skeletons happen to be rattling around inside the cupboard.

Reform cannot fairly be blamed for creating those legacy problems.

It can, however, increasingly be judged on how quickly it identifies them, challenges them and fixes them.

That is the standard I think residents should apply.

And frankly, it is a much more useful standard than political mud wrestling.


First, a little unfinished business from August

The September pack contains the formal minutes of the 20 August Crisis and Resilience Fund call-in.

And they confirm something rather important.

One of the principal grounds for calling in the decision was that the Equality Impact Assessment had not been completed when Cabinet made its decision on 15 July.

We now know that was correct.

The minutes record that the Equality Impact Assessment was not completed until 14 August 2026 — nearly a month after Cabinet had taken the decision. Officers said it remained a live document and equality screening would also be undertaken for the pilot projects.

That doesn't automatically mean the decision was unlawful.

But it certainly validates the question:

Why wasn't that work completed before the decision?

There were some other interesting admissions.

Around 24,000 Sandwell children had previously been eligible for free school meal holiday vouchers, with around a quarter said to have SEND.

By the end of July, the new Crisis Fund had received 150 applications.

Officers said completed applications had been paid within two days, which is positive, and that the system had actually been resourced on the assumption that every previous voucher recipient might apply.

They also acknowledged that it wasn't clear whether benchmarking against comparator councils had taken place and that the new scheme's KPIs were still being developed.

Now, obviously, comparing 24,000 children with 150 applications isn't apples with apples.

Not every family receiving a school meal voucher will necessarily meet the definition of somebody experiencing an immediate financial crisis.

But 150 applications is still sufficiently small to justify asking:

Are people genuinely not needing help — or are some people simply not getting through the new front door?

That is precisely why data matters.

Councillor Luke Davies proposed treating the summer arrangements as a pilot, bringing vouchers back for October half-term and reconsidering matters once proper data had been collected.

That motion lost.

Councillor Nick Fawcett then moved “no further action”, seconded by Councillor Tuli Zefi, and that was carried.

The Cabinet decision therefore stands.

Fair enough.

But the Cabinet Member also promised a data-driven review before Christmas.

I would now expect to see that review.

Not disappear into the mystical municipal dimension where promises beginning with “we'll come back to that...” occasionally go to live.


Now for the performance report — and there is plenty of red ink

Sandwell monitors 198 corporate performance indicators.

At Quarter 4, 47 of the quarterly indicators with a RAG rating were green, 11 amber and 28 red.

That's actually an improvement on Quarter 3, where 31 were red.

So credit where it's due.

But 22 of the 28 red indicators had also been red the previous quarter.

That is much more interesting.

Annual performance is similarly mixed.

Of 138 annual measures which could be RAG rated:

71 were green, 25 amber and 42 red.

Only 51.4% were green, compared with 56.3% the previous year.

So while the number of outright red measures improved slightly, the proportion actually meeting target went backwards.

Then we get to the national benchmarking.

Against Sandwell's CIPFA nearest-neighbour councils, 57.89% of measures sit in the bottom two quartiles.

Against English metropolitan boroughs, it is 59.4%.

And against those metropolitan councils, 35.34% of Sandwell's comparable measures are in the bottom quartile.

The report rather cheerfully says there are “no surprises”.

Well, perhaps not.

But repeatedly being unsurprised by poor comparative performance isn't quite the same thing as fixing it.

If my roof leaks every Tuesday, by the fourth Tuesday it is no longer a surprise.

I would still like somebody to repair the roof.


The report contains one wonderfully candid sentence

Buried in the performance report is an admission I think councillors should underline.

The Council acknowledges that some business-plan actions are shown as on track, while the performance indicators supposedly connected to those actions remain amber or red.

It suggests this can happen because improvements take time.

Fair enough.

But it also admits that sometimes:

the actions might not be specific enough, might not identify how performance will be affected, or might themselves need reviewing.

Bingo.

This is something I've been banging on about for ages.

There is a world of difference between:

“We have completed the action.”

and:

“The action actually improved something.”

You can hold twelve meetings, create seventeen workstreams, recruit a programme manager, produce a dashboard and colour the action green.

If the resident is still waiting 41 weeks for the service, I am afraid the resident probably isn't going to frame the dashboard.

Scrutiny needs to concentrate much more heavily on outcomes, not administrative activity.


SEND: this is now flashing bright red

This is probably the biggest red flag in the entire pack.

Let's start with service performance.

Only 12.52% of Education, Health and Care Plans were completed within 20 weeks in Quarter 4.

The annual rate was 24.64%.

The target was 50.3%.

Meanwhile the average time taken for a statutory SEND assessment was:

41.21 weeks in Quarter 4.

Across the whole year:

46.42 weeks.

The benchmark being worked towards is 20 weeks.

So when we previously heard that the historic EHCP backlog had been cleared, that was undoubtedly an achievement.

But here is the difficulty.

Clearing yesterday's backlog isn't enough if today's cases are still taking twice as long as they should.

The September papers say the SEND transformation programme is still in its early stages, with more EHCP staff proposed, attempts to speed up Educational Psychologist assessments, improvements to frontline processes and better data.

All sensible.

But now look at the money.

And make sure you are sitting down.


£34.7 MILLION

The Dedicated Schools Grant High Needs Block is now forecasting a £34.700 million overspend in this financial year alone.

Not over ten years.

Not some theoretical future liability.

£34.7 million for 2026/27.

Sandwell supported 5,273 children with EHCPs at the end of 2025/26.

The forecast says that could reach 6,273 by the end of this financial year.

The Council's cumulative High Needs deficit is forecast to reach:

£40.753 MILLION

Government has indicated that, subject to approval of Sandwell's SEND reform plan, around £5.448m could be provided to cover 90% of Sandwell's cumulative deficit incurred up to the end of 2025/26.

That would still leave an estimated cumulative deficit at the end of this year of about:

£35.305 million.

And the report openly says Sandwell will be reliant on similar Government arrangements being created for later deficits.

There is also a separate £3.3m pressure on SEND home-to-school transport, driven by the increasing number of EHCPs and associated passenger demand.

Yes, SEND financing is a national crisis.

Sandwell is not alone.

But “other councils have the same problem” is context, not a strategy.

This surely now merits a dedicated scrutiny deep dive.

How many places do we need?

How much money is leaving Sandwell for independent and out-of-borough placements?

What new local provision is actually being delivered?

What savings does the transformation programme realistically expect?

By when?

What happens if those savings don't arrive?

And most importantly:

Are children getting better support while we try to get the finances under control?

Because the aim cannot simply be to make a spreadsheet cheaper.


The £623,000 overspend that isn't quite the whole story

The headline General Fund forecast sounds relatively benign.

Quarter 1 forecasts an overspend of just:

£623,000.

Against a net budget of £464.480m, that's around 0.1%.

No need to sound the financial air-raid siren just yet.

But look underneath.

Directorate budgets are actually forecasting an overspend of:

£4.351 million.

That is being substantially offset by £3.728m of underspends in centrally held corporate budgets.

The biggest service pressures are:

Adult Social Care: +£4.772m

and:

Children and Education: +£1.596m.

That distinction matters.

Residents hear “the Council is £623k over budget”.

Scrutiny should hear:

“Operational directorates are £4.351m over. What is generating the offset elsewhere and how sustainable is it?”

That is a rather different conversation.


Adult Social Care: another pressure growing rapidly

The principal Adult Social Care problem is external placements.

The Quarter 1 forecast identifies a £4.797m placement pressure, largely because new care packages are costing more on average than packages ending.

There are also pressures relating to Deprivation of Liberty Safeguards assessments and staffing, including some agency use.

Back in the previous scrutiny cycle, members were being told that placement forecasting had been relatively accurate and the external placement pressure discussed at one stage was far smaller.

The market has clearly moved.

So the question now isn't to point fingers retrospectively.

It is:

Have the assumptions underpinning the 2026/27 budget already been overtaken by reality?

And if so, what happens next?


The financial safety cushion is sitting right on the minimum

Sandwell's General Fund balance is forecast at £23.422m before the projected overspend.

That represents exactly 5% of the Council's net budget.

Independent guidance cited by the Council says authorities should generally hold between 5% and 10%.

So Sandwell is sitting at the bottom of its own range.

If the £623,000 forecast overspend materialises and is funded from that balance, the reserve would fall to around £22.799m, requiring an increased contribution next year to bring it back above the minimum.

Again, not financial catastrophe.

But not something to shrug at when SEND and Adult Social Care are showing this degree of volatility only three months into the year.


Disabled Facilities Grants — déjà vu with a stairlift

Regular readers may remember this one.

Back in March, scrutiny was told that around £6.6m of Disabled Facilities Grant funding had not been spent.

This money funds adaptations such as stairlifts and accessible bathrooms to help disabled residents live independently.

Members were told the Council intended to scale up provision during 2026/27 to bring down the accumulated grant balance.

Fast forward to the new Quarter 1 report.

The largest General Fund capital underspend is...

Drum roll please...

Disabled Facilities Grants.

Forecast underspend:

£5.978 million.

The report says a cumulative balance of unspent grant has built up over several years and that in-year expenditure will still not match the money available.

At some point we need to stop simply admiring the size of the carry-forward.

How many residents are waiting?

How long do they wait?

How many adaptations were completed in Q1?

How many will be completed this year?

What precisely did “scaling up provision” achieve?

There may be perfectly legitimate capacity and property constraints.

Let's see them.

But please don't tell a disabled resident waiting for an accessible bathroom that everything is fine because the money has been successfully reprofiled.


Ah yes... “reprofiling”

Local government has a wonderful vocabulary.

“Slippage” sounds so much nicer than “we didn't deliver it when planned”.

And “reprofiling” sounds almost glamorous.

The General Fund capital programme now stands at £98.919m.

Forecast spend:

£85.683m.

Expected to move into 2027/28:

£13.236m.

That includes the £5.978m DFG position.

There are also forecast underspends of £2.344m on Birchley Island and £3.480m on West Bromwich Cemetery, with both projects currently on hold pending review.

Over in the Housing Revenue Account, the capital budget is £118.459m, with forecast expenditure of £105.661m.

Another:

£12.798m

is expected to move into later years.

Most of that is linked to the new-build programme, including £7.244m forecast slippage on the Tipton Regeneration Scheme due to issues involving the main contractor.

Capital programmes always move around.

I understand that.

But when enough millions keep marching from one financial year to the next, somebody eventually needs to ask whether the problem is no longer individual projects.

Is this a wider delivery-capacity problem?


Housing: some progress, some very familiar red boxes

Housing continues to provide one of the clearest examples of genuine improvement sitting alongside unresolved risk.

Emergency repairs are now just over the 95% target.

Good.

Non-emergency repairs?

77.63%.

Target:

95%.

And almost half — 48.48% — of repair-related calls into the Corporate Contact Centre are described as avoidable calls from residents chasing repairs already reported.

That is an excellent example of why council departments should not be examined in silos.

The call-centre problem is partly a housing-repairs problem.

Fix the repair and you don't need to employ somebody to answer the resident asking:

“Any chance somebody is coming to fix this?”

Electrical compliance under the strengthened measure fell to 85.7%, against 100%, although the Council says this reflects a tougher methodology which now only counts properties where remedial work has been confirmed complete.

Completion is expected by October.

There were also 697 properties provisionally classed as non-decent, including cases involving Category 1 damp and mould hazards, while stock-condition surveys continue.

Again, mainly inherited problems.

But October is coming.

Scrutiny should remember the promise.


And then there are HMOs...

One performance indicator particularly caught my eye.

The private-sector housing team reports high caseloads and a surge in suspected Houses in Multiple Occupation.

There is currently a backlog of around 80 suspected HMO cases awaiting allocation, after initial doorstep checks indicated further enforcement investigation may be needed.

Anyone who has followed my planning and HMO work will understand why my eyebrows went up at that.

This is precisely the sort of figure councillors should be drilling into.

How old are those cases?

Where are they?

Are they licensed?

Are planning and housing enforcement sharing intelligence?

How many have fire or overcrowding concerns?

And what capacity is actually being added?

Because “awaiting allocation” sounds wonderfully administrative until you happen to live next door.


FOI and SARs: transparency still apparently buffering...

Subject Access Requests answered within timescale:

36%.

Target:

90%.

Annual performance:

50%.

Freedom of Information requests answered within timescale:

70%.

Target:

90%.

The Council says the Governance team is supporting directorates and is progressing a new system after looking at what Hackney uses.

Good.

But this one has now been red for long enough.

A transparency problem isn't solved by repeatedly explaining that a transparency problem exists.

We need a recovery date.

Backlog size.

Oldest outstanding case.

Performance by directorate.

And who is accountable when the statutory deadline is missed.

Not complicated.


Sandwell Children's Trust: improvement in children’s services does not erase financial risk

There is good news here.

Children's Services achieved a Good Ofsted judgement, and the number of children in care had fallen below 800 by March.

Those are genuine achievements from years of improvement work and should be recognised.

But the financial story still needs watching.

The pack says Sandwell Children's Trust ended 2025/26 carrying a deficit of around £18.2m.

An Internal Audit review triggered after late notification of deterioration in the 2024/25 financial position resulted in nine recommendations and only limited assurance.

The Trust had also been forecasting a £3.1m full-year overspend as of February 2026, including previous budgeting errors and cost pressures involving transport, translation and legal work.

The Trust has a new Head of Finance and improvement work is under way.

Excellent.

But this should remain firmly on the dashboard.

“Good Ofsted” and “sound financial control” are two different questions.

Both matter.


Contract management throws up some fascinating little nuggets too

Sandwell's long-running Serco contract is worth around £38m a year and runs until 2035.

The report notes that following changes associated with alternate weekly collections, missed-collection penalty points have been suspended until September 2026, meaning no financial penalties for missed bins during that period.

I'd like scrutiny to understand exactly why, what performance safeguards replaced those penalties and whether they return automatically this month.

Meanwhile at West Bromwich Leisure Centre, the migration to a new point-of-sale system has created discrepancies in usage figures, meaning Quarter 4 attendance data may not be fully accurate.

The proposed solution includes installing counters at reception doors to provide a comparison.

Again, not the end of civilisation.

But if we're paying organisations and measuring contract outcomes using data that everybody acknowledges might be wrong, somebody ought to keep an eye on it.

That somebody has a name.

Scrutiny.


Credit where credit is due

This is not an “everything is terrible” blog.

There are some genuinely good results in the pack.

Children's Services are now rated Good.

Adult Social Care is rated Good by the CQC.

Homelessness prevention is very strong and substantially above comparator levels.

Secondary school persistent absence has improved.

Sandwell has strong NEET performance.

Fire safety, water safety, lift safety and communal asbestos checks in council housing show strong compliance.

Recycling has improved significantly following alternate weekly collections.

Highways performance is nationally strong.

Business-support and social-value measures have also performed well.

Those things should be acknowledged.

Residents benefit from things working well regardless of which colour rosette gets the credit.

But good performance in one area does not buy immunity from scrutiny somewhere else.


The work programme worries me

Perhaps the biggest governance question isn't buried in the financial tables.

It is right at the back of the pack.

The Board is being asked to approve its work programme for the rest of 2026/27.

The report itself correctly says work programmes should remain fluid so new and emerging issues can be scrutinised quickly.

It also stresses that scrutiny is member-led.

Excellent.

Let's test that.

Because staring at the issues in this very agenda, I would expect this overarching Board to be thinking very seriously about dedicated scrutiny of:

SEND and the £40.753m High Needs position; Disabled Facilities Grants; Housing regulatory recovery; the promised Crisis and Resilience Fund review before Christmas; capital slippage; FOI/SAR recovery; and the Procurement/Contract Management Framework previously promised back to scrutiny.

Some operational detail may properly sit with specialist scrutiny boards.

Fine.

But financial sustainability, corporate governance and whether recommendations actually get delivered are precisely what this Board exists to examine.

The previous Board was specifically told that the final procurement strategy, updated Procedure Rules and Contract Management Framework would return to scrutiny.

So where is it?

A new municipal year must not mean old scrutiny commitments get wiped like a school whiteboard in September.


And this brings me to the Annual Scrutiny Report

The Board is also being asked to approve its annual report telling Full Council what scrutiny achieved during 2025/26.

There is nothing wrong with celebrating useful scrutiny.

But I'd like future annual reports to go further.

Don't merely tell us:

“Scrutiny considered X.”

Tell us:

“Scrutiny challenged X, recommended Y, and as a result Z actually changed.”

That is the measure that matters.

How many recommendations were accepted?

How many implemented?

How many overdue?

What measurable outcome changed?

How much money was saved?

How did a resident's experience improve?

Otherwise scrutiny risks becoming a very sophisticated reading club with microphones.


The handover test

So where does all this leave the new Reform administration?

It inherited a Council that had made major progress after intervention.

It also inherited some substantial unresolved problems.

Both statements are true.

The previous Labour administration deserves credit where improvements happened.

It also carries responsibility for legacy failures and risks built up on its watch.

Reform deserves neither blame for creating those historic problems nor a permanent exemption from responsibility for solving them.

The clock is now running.

SEND?

Inherited.

Housing C3?

Inherited.

DFG backlog?

Inherited.

Poor FOI/SAR performance?

Inherited.

Children's Trust historical financial problems?

Inherited.

Capital delivery problems?

Mostly inherited.

But the question from September onwards becomes increasingly simple:

What are you doing about them?

And six months from now:

What has actually changed?

That is fair scrutiny.


My questions for 10 September

If I were sitting around that scrutiny table, I would want the answers to a fairly simple set of questions:

  1. SEND: What is the credible plan to prevent the High Needs deficit reaching £40.753m, what savings are assumed and when will they materialise?

  2. EHCPs: When will 20-week compliance return to an acceptable level and what monthly trajectory has been set?

  3. SEND transport: Why is there already a £3.3m pressure at Q1 and what was wrong with the original assumptions?

  4. Adult Social Care: Why are external placements already £4.797m over budget and what mitigation is realistic?

  5. DFGs: After scrutiny was told provision would be scaled up, why is another £5.978m still forecast unspent?

  6. Capital delivery: Is the repeated slippage evidence of a wider programme-management or capacity issue?

  7. Housing: Will the October repairs and electrical-compliance milestones actually be achieved?

  8. Transparency: What are the recovery dates for FOI and SAR compliance?

  9. Crisis Fund: When exactly will the promised pre-Christmas review return publicly, and will scrutiny see it?

  10. Work programme: Why aren't these major unresolved corporate risks explicitly programmed for deeper scrutiny?

That's what I would call holding to account.

Not shouting.

Not party politics.

Not another round of “thank you for the comprehensive report”.

Follow the figures.

Follow the promises.

Then come back and ask whether anything changed.


Final thought

Sandwell's improvement story is real.

So are the risks.

The danger now is that success in escaping the worst years creates a new complacency where every problem is described as part of an “improvement journey”, every delay becomes “reprofiling”, every unfinished action becomes “ongoing”, and every red indicator acquires a paragraph explaining why it is perfectly understandable that it is red.

Explanations matter.

But eventually performance has to improve.

Because residents don't live inside an improvement plan.

They live in the house waiting for the repair.

They are the parent waiting for the EHCP.

They are the disabled resident waiting for the adaptation.

They are the person waiting for an FOI or SAR.

And they are the taxpayer funding every line of that 234-page report.

The cupboard is still full.

One of the bills now says £40.753 million.

And on 10 September, Sandwell's new scrutiny board has an opportunity to show whether it intends merely to catalogue the contents...

...or finally start emptying the cupboard.


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #BudgetScrutiny #CorporateScrutiny #Scrutiny #SandwellPolitics #ReformUK #Labour #CouncilGovernance #PublicAccountability #Transparency #SEND #EHCP #HighNeeds #AdultSocialCare #DisabledFacilitiesGrant #Housing #HousingRepairs #FOI #SubjectAccessRequests #HMOs #CapitalSlippage #ChildrensTrust #CrisisAndResilienceFund #CouncilFinances #LocalGovernment #RedFlags #FollowTheMoney #FollowThePaperTrail

Rowley Regis Town Deal: £19 Million, Three People and a Spreadsheet That Doesn’t Quite Agree With Itself

 

Rowley Regis Town Deal: £19 Million, Three People and a Spreadsheet That Doesn’t Quite Agree With Itself

There are some council reports where you need a calculator.

There are others where you need a calculator, a magnifying glass, three cups of tea and perhaps somebody from Bletchley Park.

The latest Rowley Regis Town Deal Board papers are edging towards the latter category.

The Board meets virtually on Thursday 10 September 2026, overseeing a Towns Fund programme originally worth £19 million. The projects themselves include some perfectly worthwhile things: parks, pathways, Blackheath town centre improvements, the Cradley Heath Skills Campus and improved walking and cycling links.

My concern is not that these schemes shouldn't exist.

It is much simpler:

If we are spending millions of pounds of public money, surely the public financial reports should agree with themselves?

At the moment, several don't.


First, the good news

Let's be fair.

There are some significant achievements recorded in these papers.

The Cradley Heath Skills Campus is built and operating. Parks have been improved. Britannia Park has secured a Green Flag Award. The Canal Network Connectivity project reports pedestrian and cycling improvements. Blackheath has received major public-realm investment. Various employment, tree-planting and accessibility targets are reported as achieved or exceeded.

So this isn't one of those blogs where I am going to pretend absolutely nothing has happened.

It clearly has.

But delivering projects is only half the job.

The other half is being able to demonstrate clearly what was promised, what was spent, what changed, what was achieved and where the remaining money went.

And that is where things become rather more interesting.


£19 million – but which numbers are we using today?

The headline financial position is reasonably straightforward.

The September report says:

  • Original Towns Fund allocation: £19,000,000

  • Current approved programme: £18,567,050.42

  • Spend by 30 June 2026: £17,657,907.63

  • Remaining approved expenditure: £909,142.79

  • Underspend against the original £19m: £432,949.58

So far, so good. Those numbers actually add up.

Then you start turning the pages.

And the calculator begins quietly sobbing.


Blackheath: nearly a million pounds disappears between pages

Let's take Blackheath Bus Interchange, Public Realm and CCTV.

Page 43 tells us:

Project Value: £2,901,895

and:

Towns Fund: £2,901,895.

Except the financial table on exactly the same page appears to total:

£2,904,895.

So we've already found £3,000 wandering about unattended.

But turn to the Town Level Financial Profile on page 53 and Blackheath's current project total appears as approximately:

£1,926,945.42.

That is a difference approaching £1 million from the figure displayed only ten pages earlier.

Now, there may be a completely legitimate explanation.

Projects change. Savings arise. Budgets are reprofiled. Money gets formally reallocated.

Fine.

But if that is what happened, show us the bridge between the numbers.

Original budget → expenditure → saving → Board decision → reallocation → revised budget.

That isn't unreasonable.

It's basic financial transparency.

At present the public is left playing regeneration Sudoku.


Parks: pick a number, any number

The Rowley Regis Parks Improvement project doesn't make things much easier.

Page 34 reports:

Project value – £2,874,000

with:

£80,199.70 match funding

and:

£2,793,800 Towns Fund.

Turn the page and suddenly we have:

Project value – £3,237,732.24

Match funding – £363,732.24

Towns Fund – £2,874,000.

Then the Town Level Financial Profile on page 53 apparently gives the project a total of:

£3,204,000.

Three presentations.

Three different financial pictures.

One programme.

Perhaps all three can be reconciled.

But the report doesn't do it for us.

And frankly, it shouldn't require Sherlock Holmes, Poirot and the bloke off The Chase to work out the current approved budget for a council regeneration project.


Rowley Regis Connected joins the numerical party

Then there is Rowley Regis Connected.

Depending upon which part of the document you are looking at, figures around the project include:

£1.5 million

£1.624104 million

approximately £1.620923 million

and the Town Level Financial Profile appears to show approximately:

£1.865076 million.

Again, perhaps every figure has a perfectly reasonable explanation.

If so, wonderful.

Put that explanation in the public report.

Because the purpose of public monitoring shouldn't merely be that the Council knows what the numbers mean.

The public should be able to understand them too.


And remember those mysterious £XXs?

At the special Board meeting on 16 July, several further schemes were approved using programme underspend.

These included:

  • Haden Hill Pathway Improvements

  • Haden Hill Adventure Play

  • Cornfields Play Park

  • Blackheath Town Centre CCTV

  • further Wrights Lane works.

But when the minutes were published, several actual financial amounts had mysteriously transformed into:

“£XX”.

Very useful.

Imagine doing your household accounts like that.

Mortgage: £XX.

Electricity: £XX.

Tesco: £XX.

Money left until payday: best not think about it.

For a Board making decisions involving public regeneration funding, the approved amounts should appear clearly in the public decision record unless there is a lawful and clearly explained reason why they cannot.


Three people could potentially make the decisions

Then there is the question of quorum.

This one is worth paying attention to.

In June, four Board members attended a meeting.

The minutes specifically record that the Board was inquorate, meaning it couldn't make certain decisions about project closure and underspend.

At the July meeting the Board changed its Terms of Reference.

Instead of a fixed number, quorum became 25% of the Board membership.

The September agenda lists 12 Board members.

Twenty-five per cent of twelve is:

Three.

So unless there is another rule hidden elsewhere in the Terms of Reference, it appears that three members could potentially constitute a quorate meeting of a Board overseeing a multi-million-pound regeneration programme.

That doesn't automatically make the decision wrong.

But it certainly deserves explaining.

Why 25%?

What was the previous threshold?

Which comparable regeneration boards use 25%?

Is there any requirement that business, community, political or public-sector representatives are present?

Could three people genuinely approve significant changes to programme spending?

These are governance questions, not conspiracy theories.


CCTV complete... except apparently it isn't

Blackheath CCTV produces another little head-scratcher.

At the July meeting the Board approved plans for a 15-camera CCTV system linked into the Roway Lane control room.

Interestingly, when a question was asked about increased anti-social behaviour, members were told that the relevant ASB information would need to come from the ASB Team.

I would have thought the evidence came before approving the investment rather than afterwards, but there we are.

The September report then says:

“CCTV – works being costed and waiting for start date.”

Fair enough.

Except elsewhere in the same Blackheath project report it says:

“Project expenditure and outputs are all complete.”

And:

“Current challenges – None.”

Well, which is it?

If the CCTV is still being costed and hasn't started, how are the project's expenditure and outputs all complete?

Perhaps the CCTV is technically a new extension financed from underspend.

Again, that may be the explanation.

But that distinction should be crystal clear.


The project finished last November... and remains “ongoing”

There is another curiosity.

The Blackheath project page gives an:

End date: November 2025

but in September 2026 still reports:

Status: Ongoing – On track.

Similarly, Rowley Regis Connected records an end date of March 2025 while still being described as ongoing in this September 2026 monitoring pack.

Maybe project extensions explain that.

If so, update the dates.

Public reports should show the programme that actually exists today, not the programme that existed three templates ago.


April–June? July–September? October–December?

This is perhaps my favourite bit.

The agenda describes the project reporting as covering:

July–September.

The presentation title says:

“Reporting Period July–September 2026.”

The formal officer report says it covers:

1 April 2026 to 30 June 2026.

And then the financial section introduces itself as:

“Summary of the October to December Monitoring Returns.”

Excellent.

Three reporting periods for the price of one.

I am fairly confident we haven't yet invented a calendar where April, July and October all happen simultaneously.

This looks like straightforward document-control or template-copying problems.

But that's precisely the point.

When a document is being relied upon to monitor millions of pounds, somebody ought to be checking the final version before it goes out.


Apparently May is still in the future too

The report also states that the next government submission was to be uploaded by:

28 May 2026.

The Board meeting is on 10 September 2026.

Unless Sandwell Council has acquired a flux capacitor as part of the Town Deal programme, May has already happened.

Again, harmless typo?

Probably.

But there are rather a lot of harmless errors gathering in one document.


The Canal numbers need checking before anybody closes the project

The Canal Network Connectivity project is particularly important because formal closure has already been delayed while evaluation information is completed.

Yet the September pack seems to contain two different versions of the pedestrian and cycling outcome figures.

Page 18 gives a grand total of:

440,304

while page 19 gives:

218,134.

Those are not rounding differences.

That is a difference of more than 222,000.

And when closure has specifically been delayed so that output and evaluation evidence can be checked, surely the first task should be establishing which figure is actually right.


The Skills Campus deserves credit – but the monitoring needs explaining

There is much to welcome about the £9.3m Cradley Heath Skills Campus.

The June meeting heard that 325 adults were using the centre and that there had already been significant SEND participation.

The latest report says 294 adult 19+ enrolments took place during the 2025/26 academic year.

Those may be different measures, which is fine.

But the formal Towns Fund output table says:

Learners/trainees/students enrolled

Target: 475

Actual achieved: 0.

The overall Town Deal summary also records zero.

So how can we simultaneously have hundreds of learners using or enrolled at the Campus while the monitored output remains zero?

There will probably be a technical reporting explanation.

Let's have it.

The same applies to High Needs/SEND places.

This is exactly the sort of information residents need to understand because SEND provision across Sandwell remains an enormous issue.


1,393 trees from a target of... 100 or 150?

Here's another smaller example.

The parks project page gives a tree-planting target of:

150

with 1,393 achieved.

Excellent result.

But the Town Level summary gives the target as:

100, again with 1,393 achieved.

Either way, planting 1,393 trees is clearly well above target.

But which target was actually approved?

100?

150?

Both apparently.


And apparently cycling has gone through the roof

The Rowley Regis Connected measures aimed to increase cycling trips from 163 to 450 per day.

The latest table reports:

3,731.

If that genuinely represents 3,731 daily cycling trips, that is extraordinary and deserves celebrating.

But it also deserves explaining.

Was that a daily average?

A cumulative counter reading?

A survey-period total?

Which routes?

What methodology?

If we have increased cycling from 163 to nearly 4,000 journeys a day, somebody should probably tell the rest of the country how Sandwell did it.


Pride in Place is beginning to appear around the edges too

There is another issue I want residents to watch carefully.

The September agenda contains an item specifically discussing Blackheath market loading bays and possible Pride in Place funding.

Elsewhere the parks report says officers are also looking at obtaining Pride in Place funding for street lighting.

There is nothing inherently wrong with using different funding programmes together.

Sometimes that makes perfect sense.

But the funding streams need to remain transparent.

Residents should be able to see whether something is being paid for from:

  • the original Town Deal;

  • Town Deal underspend;

  • Council mainstream budgets;

  • Highways funding;

  • match funding;

  • UKSPF;

  • Section 106;

  • or Pride in Place.

Otherwise one pot slowly merges into another and eventually nobody outside the building can tell which programme paid for what.


A word about Reform

It is important to be fair here.

Much of the Rowley Regis Town Deal programme was designed, approved and substantially delivered before Reform took control of Sandwell Council in May 2026.

These are therefore largely inherited programmes, funding structures and historical decisions.

It would be ridiculous to pretend the current administration designed every spreadsheet or made every decision going back years.

But Reform now runs the Council.

Councillor Ray Nock sits on this Board as Cabinet Member for Regeneration and Economic Growth.

So the current administration now has an opportunity — and responsibility — to insist upon better transparency, cleaner reporting and clearer accountability.

That is precisely the sort of thing Reform told residents would change.

Here is an easy opportunity to demonstrate it.

No grand speech needed.

Just make the numbers add up.


Twelve reasonable questions before Thursday

Before the 10 September meeting, I think the Board should be able to answer some straightforward questions:

1. Does the new 25% quorum genuinely mean three of the twelve members can make decisions?

2. What was the previous quorum and why was it reduced?

3. Can the Board publish one reconciled schedule showing the original £19m allocation, expenditure, underspend, reallocations and current project budgets?

4. Why do the Blackheath financial figures differ by nearly £1m between different parts of the same pack?

5. Why are there several different financial values for the Parks programme?

6. What is the actual approved current budget for Rowley Regis Connected?

7. What were the actual £ figures hidden behind the “£XX” entries in the July minutes?

8. How is Blackheath expenditure described as complete when CCTV is still being costed?

9. Which Canal Network Connectivity outcome figure is correct — 440,304 or 218,134?

10. Why does the Skills Campus report hundreds of learners but formally record zero against its 475 learner target?

11. Why does the report contain three different reporting periods and a government submission deadline already months out of date?

12. What exactly does the reported figure of 3,731 cycling trips represent?

None of these questions accuses anybody of wrongdoing.

They simply ask the Board to explain its own paperwork.


The bottom line

Rowley Regis has received substantial regeneration investment.

Residents should want those projects to succeed.

I certainly do.

But success isn't measured simply by spending money and cutting ribbons.

It is also measured by whether residents can trace what happened to the money, understand the outcomes and trust the information being published.

At the moment, the September Town Deal pack contains too many figures, dates and descriptions that don't comfortably reconcile.

Perhaps every discrepancy has an innocent and perfectly sensible explanation.

If so, brilliant.

Let's hear those explanations and clean up the public record.

Because when you are overseeing a programme that started with £19 million of public money, “it's somewhere in the spreadsheet” really isn't an adequate standard of accountability.

And if the Board has genuinely found a way for April–June, July–September and October–December to occur at the same time, I withdraw my criticism entirely.

They haven't just regenerated Rowley Regis.

They've reinvented time.


#RowleyRegis #Blackheath #CradleyHeath #Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #TownDeal #TownsFund #PublicMoney #Transparency #Accountability #Regeneration #PrideInPlace #LocalGovernment #ReformUK

Sandwell Cabinet: Reform Has the Chance to Show It Has Learned From July





Sandwell Cabinet: Reform Has the Chance to Show It Has Learned From July

There is another Sandwell Council Cabinet meeting coming up on Wednesday 9 September 2026.

This time the agenda pack is 302 pages rather than July’s extraordinary 710-page marathon, so there really should be no excuse for rushing through the business.

And frankly, this meeting needs proper scrutiny.

Not theatre.

Not prepared speeches.

Not a procession of “approved”, “noted” and “delegated”.

Because buried in these reports are some very serious issues involving SEND, Sandwell Children’s Trust, Adult Social Care, capital delivery, community safety, procurement and the Council’s growing reliance on delegated authority. The agenda covers eight substantive items after the minutes, including the Q1 budget, Community Safety Strategy, Enhanced Assessment Beds and a major regional children’s care proposal.

Let me say this again before anybody reaches for their party-coloured pitchfork.

I want Reform to succeed.

I want this new administration to perform well.

I want them to challenge officers, improve services, strengthen scrutiny and finally deliver the sort of cultural change many Sandwell residents have been asking for years.

That doesn’t mean giving them a free pass.

Quite the opposite.

A critical friend says:

“I want you to succeed — which is precisely why I’m pointing out where the warning lights are flashing.”

And there are plenty flashing in this pack.


First, July Hasn’t Gone Away

September Cabinet will be asked to approve the minutes of the 15 July meeting.

You remember that one.

710 pages.

Fifteen substantive reports.

One hour and four minutes.

Some extremely significant decisions.

Very little visible challenge.

The September pack confirms the July agenda included the Corporate Peer Challenge, performance, finance, housing, regeneration, SEND and school capital decisions.

Those minutes should not simply be approved and forgotten.

Some of the issues Cabinet approved in July have already developed significantly.

SEND finances are worse.

Sandwell Children’s Trust remains financially troubled.

Housing pressures continue.

Capital delivery is still slipping.

If there was ever a time for “matters arising”, this is it.

A new administration should be asking:

What has changed since July?

What did we get right?

What now looks worse than we thought?

What needs bringing back for further scrutiny?

That would be healthy governance.


Item 5 — “Elevating Our Voice”

This is actually one of the stronger items.

The Council wants to adopt a new Children and Young People’s Engagement Strategy together with the SEND Working Together Charter.

More than 100 children and young people were involved in developing the proposals, and the strategy promises to move beyond one-off consultation towards genuine participation and co-production.

The language is good.

The five principles are:

Inform.

Involve.

Invest.

Influence.

Impact.

The accompanying young people’s material goes further.

It says adults should explain:

  • what young people said;

  • what was done with their views;

  • what changed;

  • what couldn’t change;

  • what happens next;

  • and what young people can do if they are unhappy with the decision.

Excellent.

That’s exactly the sort of accountability residents — young or old — should expect.

But here is the test.

What happens when young people say something the Council doesn’t want to hear?

That is when we find out whether co-production means:

“help us make the decision”

or:

“thanks for your views, now back to the original plan.”

The Council’s own legal section correctly says co-production cannot override lawful statutory decision-making.

Fair enough.

But if this strategy is going to mean anything, Sandwell should publish a simple annual record:

You said → We considered → We changed → We didn’t change → Here’s why.

That would be real accountability.


And One Interesting Public Health Red Flag

There is another issue tucked away in this report that deserves Cabinet attention.

The SHAPE programme is supported through a Public Health Redirect to Children’s Services.

The report itself explicitly warns there is a financial and governance risk if Public Health funding is used, or is perceived to be used, to meet statutory Children’s Services responsibilities. It says the distinction must be auditable.

That is a very specific warning.

Cabinet should ask:

How much money is involved?

Exactly what does it fund?

What Public Health outcomes are being purchased?

Who audits it?

Has Internal Audit looked at it?

That isn’t being awkward.

That is exactly what Cabinet is there for.


Item 6 — The Q1 Budget

This is the big one.

The headline says the Council is forecasting a General Fund overspend of only:

£623,000

On a £464.480m net budget, that sounds almost reassuring.

But please do not stop reading at the headline.

Directorate budgets are actually forecasting a combined overspend of:

£4.351 million

That is being substantially offset by £3.728m of centrally held underspends.

Those central savings include:

  • a £1.780m pension fund rebate;

  • a £1.724m Treasury Management underspend.

The pension rebate is expressly described as a one-off benefit.

So let’s be clear.

The Council’s service pressures are bigger than the £623,000 headline might suggest.

And that matters.


SEND: £34.7 MILLION

This figure should dominate the meeting.

The High Needs Block budget is £81.364m.

Forecast expenditure is £116.064m.

The result?

£34.700 million overspend.

The report says Sandwell supported 5,273 children with EHCPs at the end of 2025/26 and that figure could rise to 6,273 by the end of 2026/27.

The cumulative High Needs deficit is forecast to reach:

£40.753 million

before potential Government support.

The Government may cover 90% of Sandwell’s historic High Needs deficit up to the end of 2025/26, subject to an approved SEND reform plan.

Sandwell estimates that could mean £5.448m.

But then comes the sentence every Cabinet Member should underline:

the Council “will be reliant on similar arrangements being put in place” for the 2026/27 overspend.

Reliant.

Not guaranteed.

Not confirmed.

Reliant.

That is a significant financial risk.

The obvious question is:

What happens if Government support for the new £34.7m deficit is nowhere near 90%?

Where is the downside scenario?

Where is Plan B?


SEND Transport: Another £3.3 Million

Children and Education is also forecasting a £3.3m overspend on SEND Home-to-School Transport.

The report attributes this to:

  • growth in EHCP numbers;

  • clearance of assessment backlogs;

  • passenger numbers exceeding assumptions;

  • around one-third of future EHCP growth being assumed to require transport.

This is not simply a transport issue.

It is part of the same SEND system pressure.

More EHCPs.

More specialist places.

More out-of-area provision.

More transport.

More cost.

Cabinet needs to stop looking at these numbers in separate boxes and demand one joined-up five-year SEND demand model.


Sandwell Children’s Trust — Still Not Fixed

Then we arrive at Sandwell Children’s Trust.

The Trust ended 2025/26 carrying a deficit of:

£18.2 million.

The Council’s contract for this year includes:

  • £96.352m for current activity;

  • £6.597m towards part of the accumulated deficit.

And at the end of Quarter 1?

Another:

£1.2 million actual overspend.

And here is the part that should really concern Cabinet:

No full-year forecast has yet been reported.

Really?

A wholly Council-owned company with an £18.2m accumulated deficit, receiving substantial additional Council funding, still hasn’t produced a reliable full-year forecast?

That is not something to glide past.

July’s minutes already recorded that the Trust’s deficit reduction was not on track.

So what exactly is the revised plan?

What went wrong with the previous assumptions?

What did the audit find?

When will councillors receive a credible trajectory?

How much more taxpayer support could ultimately be required?

Those are perfectly reasonable questions.


Adult Social Care — Another £4.772 Million Pressure

Adult Social Care is forecasting an overspend of:

£4.772 million.

The main driver is external placements, with a £4.797m pressure because new packages are costing more than packages ending.

Learning disability placements alone account for more than £4m of that pressure.

Again, these are demand-led services.

You cannot simply stop helping vulnerable people because the spreadsheet looks uncomfortable.

That means the answer has to come through:

better commissioning;

more local provision;

prevention;

better market management;

and better forecasting.

Cabinet should be asking whether Sandwell has enough local care capacity and whether it is paying too much because suitable provision is not available locally.


Vacancy Savings — Saving Money or Losing Capacity?

There is another recurring theme across the budget report.

Vacancy savings.

They appear across:

  • Place;

  • Housing;

  • Adult Social Care;

  • Finance;

  • Customer Services;

  • Transformation.

The HRA alone forecasts £4.190m of vacancy and employee-related savings.

That looks lovely in a budget table.

But empty desks don’t answer phones.

Vacant posts don’t manage contracts.

Vacant posts don’t deliver capital projects.

Vacant posts don’t process adaptations.

Vacant posts don’t complete procurement exercises.

So Cabinet needs to ask:

Are we saving money because work has genuinely become more efficient — or because work simply isn’t getting done?

That is a very different thing.


£11 Million of Savings — But Some Old Ones Still Haven’t Arrived

The Council is trying to deliver £11.008m of ongoing savings this year.

Only 63% are currently delivered on an ongoing basis.

Another 17% are expected by year end.

And 11% are currently only being delivered as one-off savings.

Even more tellingly, £3.697m relates to savings from previous years that were not delivered permanently.

At some point a “saving” that keeps rolling forward stops being a saving.

It becomes wishful thinking with a spreadsheet.

Cabinet should demand named owners, deadlines and replacement measures for every red or amber saving.


Reserves — Healthy, But Being Used

Sandwell began the year with £175.661m of General Fund earmarked reserves.

The current forecast would draw around:

£24.968 million

leaving approximately £150.693m.

That is not evidence of financial collapse.

Let’s not exaggerate.

Reserves exist to be used.

But there is a difference between:

using reserves for planned transformation

and:

using reserves to repeatedly prop up structural pressure.

The General Fund balance itself is forecast to finish around £22.799m, close to the bottom of the Council’s preferred 5–10% range.

So no, Sandwell is not broke.

But neither is this the time for complacency.


Capital Slippage — Here We Go Again

General Fund capital budget:

£98.919m

Forecast expenditure:

£85.683m

Expected slippage:

£13.236m.

HRA capital budget:

£118.459m

Forecast:

£105.661m

Slippage:

£12.798m.

That is more than £26m of planned capital activity moving backwards.

And this comes after the previous year when the Council delivered only 71% of the revised General Fund capital programme and 67% of the revised HRA programme.

At some point we need to stop calling this “slippage” as though the budget has merely tripped over a loose paving slab.

It is becoming a delivery pattern.

Residents need to see:

Budgeted.

Spent.

Completed.

Outcome delivered.

They are four very different things.


Disabled Facilities Grants — This Needs Explaining

One particular figure should concern us all.

The Disabled Facilities Grant budget is £11.478m.

Forecast spend:

£5.5m.

Forecast underspend:

£5.978 million.

The report says unspent grant funding has built up over a number of years.

That needs a proper explanation.

How many disabled residents are waiting for adaptations?

How long are they waiting?

Is there an Occupational Therapy backlog?

A contractor backlog?

A processing problem?

Is the money committed but simply not yet paid?

Maybe there is a perfectly reasonable answer.

Fine.

Let’s hear it.

But millions of pounds of adaptation funding sitting unspent while residents need ramps, wet rooms, stairlifts and other changes should not be buried in a finance appendix.


Item 7 — Treasury Management

This is less alarming.

The report confirms treasury management remained within approved limits and is being referred onwards in line with the CIPFA Prudential Code.

Good.

But “we stayed within the limits” should be the starting point, not the end of scrutiny.

Cabinet should still ask:

What is total borrowing?

What is the average interest rate?

What does the refinancing profile look like?

How much planned borrowing has been delayed because capital projects slipped?

What does future debt servicing do to the Medium-Term Financial Strategy?

Compliance is necessary.

Affordability matters too.


Item 8 — Funeral Services

This looks broadly sensible.

A four-year procurement is being proposed to maintain continuity in funeral-related services.

This is one of those areas where quality should matter every bit as much as cost.

This is an exceptionally sensitive service.

I would want reassurance around:

  • safeguarding;

  • deceased-person handling;

  • dignity;

  • provider resilience;

  • inspection;

  • contract monitoring;

  • quality weighting in the tender.

Not everything needs to become a political battlefield.

But everything still needs proper oversight.


Item 9 — Community Safety Strategy

Another strategy.

Another glossy set of ambitions.

ASB.

Violence.

Exploitation.

Domestic abuse.

Hate crime.

Modern slavery.

Organised crime.

Community cohesion.

All important.

But there is an awkward bit.

The strategy is expected to be delivered largely through existing resources and partnership arrangements.

That immediately raises the question:

With what capacity?

If crime and vulnerability are becoming more complex, then which officers are doing more?

Which police resources are increasing?

Which enforcement teams have spare capacity?

What are the measurable targets?

What will residents actually see improve?

Residents do not experience “strategic alignment”.

They experience whether somebody responds when their road is plagued by ASB.

Whether nuisance motorcycles are dealt with.

Whether drug dealing is tackled.

Whether repeat offenders are stopped.

Whether victims get help.

July already gave us a new ASB Policy.

September now gives us a broader Community Safety Strategy.

Fine.

Now show us the outcomes.


Item 10 — Enhanced Assessment Beds: This One Needs Answers

This is probably the clearest governance failure-risk in the pack.

The Council currently commissions 10 non-complex beds at Hilltop Lodge and four complex beds at The Gables.

The contracts expire on:

30 September 2026.

That deadline was not a surprise.

Back in March, Cabinet approved procurement of replacement arrangements starting on 1 October.

Now we are in September and the Council is asking for interim extensions because the replacement procurement is not ready.

The September report openly says it was not possible to complete procurement and mobilisation within the original timetable.

So the obvious question is:

Why?

Not:

“What happens now?”

We know what happens now.

The Council has to extend the service because vulnerable people cannot simply be left without it.

The question is:

What happened between March and September?

Who owned the programme?

Which milestones slipped?

When was the Cabinet Member informed?

Was the problem market capacity?

Officer capacity?

Procurement?

Specification?

Legal issues?

This is exactly the sort of thing Reform said it wanted to get underneath.

Approve continuity.

Protect residents.

But demand the lessons.


Item 11 — Regional Care Cooperative

This one has real potential.

Sandwell is being asked to accept up to £1.7m of Department for Education funding and act as the Lead Local Authority and accountable body for a West Midlands Regional Care Cooperative.

Regional commissioning could be a good thing.

Councils acting together may gain more negotiating power.

It could reduce reliance on expensive spot placements.

It could improve placement sufficiency.

It could improve fostering capacity.

Good.

But “accountable body” is not ceremonial wording.

It means Sandwell carries responsibility.

Across multiple authorities.

For funding.

Governance.

Data.

Delivery.

Compliance.

Possibly grant clawback.

So Cabinet should ask:

Why Sandwell?

What due diligence has been done?

What liability sits with us if another authority gets something wrong?

Are all administration costs recoverable?

How many additional staff are required?

Who audits the arrangement?

What happens when the Government money stops?

And perhaps most importantly:

Which decisions come back to elected councillors and which disappear under delegated authority?

Because delegation is necessary.

But the more major programmes Cabinet delegates, the more important it becomes to keep visible political oversight.


Item 12 — Finally, Some Proper Scrutiny

This report deserves credit.

The Children’s Services and Education Scrutiny Board has carried out a review into the transition to adulthood for care-experienced young people.

It involved briefing sessions, engagement with services, visits, Sandwell Children’s Trust, Personal Advisers and — importantly — care-experienced young people themselves.

That is what scrutiny should look like.

Gather evidence.

Talk to people.

Hear lived experience.

Challenge services.

Develop recommendations.

Then require Cabinet to respond.

Cabinet can approve all, some or none of the recommendations, but must respond.

This is exactly the sort of work that should be strengthened.

Not treated as an irritation.

Not bypassed.

Not sidelined.

Proper scrutiny helps good administrations.

It does not weaken them.


So What Should Reform Do on Wednesday?

This is not a blog saying:

“Reform has failed.”

It hasn’t.

They have been running Sandwell for only a few months.

Much of what is in these reports is inherited.

The SEND system did not suddenly develop a £34.7m problem because Reform won an election in May.

The Children’s Trust deficit did not appear because Ray Nock became Leader.

Capital slippage and procurement issues have histories.

That distinction matters.

But Reform owns what happens next.

That is equally important.

They inherited the problems.

They now inherit responsibility for asking the questions.

And that is where July disappointed me.

This meeting is an opportunity to do better.


The Critical Friend Test

If I were sitting on Cabinet, I would have five questions written at the top of every report:

What has gone wrong?

What is the real financial exposure?

Who owns fixing it?

When will we know whether it worked?

What will residents actually notice?

If the officer presentation does not answer those questions...

Ask them.

If the first answer is vague...

Ask again.

If a report needs more work...

Send it back.

That is not confrontation.

That is governance.


One Final Thought

I want Reform to succeed.

I've said it before and I will continue saying it.

But success is not measured by how quickly Cabinet gets through the agenda.

It is measured by whether the right decisions survive the right scrutiny.

This week's papers contain a £34.7m SEND High Needs overspend, an £18.2m Children’s Trust deficit, another £3.3m SEND transport pressure, major Adult Social Care pressures, millions of pounds of unspent Disabled Facilities Grant, more capital slippage and a procurement timetable that has already failed once.

There is good work in the pack too.

The children and young people's engagement strategy deserves support.

The care-experienced young people scrutiny review is encouraging.

Regional care commissioning may prove very worthwhile.

But a good Cabinet does not choose between positivity and scrutiny.

It does both.

So my message to Reform is simple:

You told us Sandwell needed change.

You told us officers needed stronger political challenge.

You told us the old culture had to go.

Fine.

Wednesday is another chance to show us.

Read the papers.

Challenge the assumptions.

Ask the difficult questions.

Own the decisions.

And please — this time — take as long as the business deserves.

Because Sandwell does not need another Cabinet that simply processes reports.

It needs one that governs.


#Sandwell #SandwellCouncil #ReformUK #Cabinet #SEND #ChildrensTrust #AdultSocialCare #CouncilFinance #Scrutiny #Governance #Transparency #Accountability #CommunitySafety #LocalGovernment

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